The Virginia Gazette

To Messrs. PURDIE & DIXON.

GENTLEMEN,

PERSUADED, as I am, that the Sincerity and Intention of the following Production of a serious Hour will plead for any Inaccuracy or Mistake which may have fallen to its Share, I have not studied any Apology to the Publick for desiring it may be inserted in your Gazette, if possible, before the first of next Month, lest it should argue a Distrust of the Reader's usual Good-nature on such Occasions; nor to yourselves, Gentlemen, from a full Conviction that any sensible Man, who has ever relished American Freedom, must be active in the Support of it, though he should have originated ultima Thule; unless, from a long Habit in Decency, like the unjust Steward Lord Bute, he may have inherited too strong a Tincture for Despotism, from the Statesmen of a feudal Principle. Therefore, to save as much Time and Paper as possible, please to permit me to inform you, and others, that in Order to be satisfied of the Purposes of these County-Meetings requested about, I went to some of them, where I heard a clear Explanation of their Design, that the People might be convinced of the Virtue of those Principles on which our Opposition to the present hostile (English, Parliamentary) Invasion of our Sister Colony, and through her all America, is founded: and if a perfect Sobriety, joined with a silent Attention, could give Weight to the Resolutions entered into, I am confident that the most orderly Assembly could not exceed in Decorum those which I attended. One Interruption only was given by a Gentleman to the Proposal for entering into a Non-exportation Resolve, because it would necessarily affect the Calling which he had fallen upon; but the Objection easily submitted to an Observation, 'that even the Bread of one, or a few, should that be a certain Consequence of a Non-exportation strictly adhered to, could not compensate for the Freedom of Millions, now contending for.' Indeed, I should not have taken this Notice of such a Circumstance, had I not since heard that others, truly worthy in their social Conduct, have made also an Exception to such a Mode of Opposition, from a Principle, prima Facie, not quite so interesting to themselves as that of a Livelihood generally promises to be. viz. the necessary Consequence that a Non-exportation would have upon their Debts due to the Merchants of England, which would be something too affecting to an honest Conscience to be guilty of. Here then let me throw in my Mite of Reasoning, as it may possibly induce a more generous and less confined Way of treating all Subjects, connected as this is; in doing of which I shall avoid all mercantile Direness, arising from the lucrative Views of their Favours ever conferred, and retaliating them accordingly, but treat the Subject as something worthy the Consideration of a rational Being. I must beg Leave then to observe, that although this Objection to Non-exportation seems less interesting to the Individuals who make it than the other, i.e. the Want of a Livelihood, and therefore carries the Air of commanding a greater Respect to the Persons making it, I say it is nevertheless full as exceptionable, or rather inadmissible to the Community, which certainly cannot want explaining, because it must tend to prefer a less Duty to a greater, if I know what Reasoning is; and perhaps it will appear so, as we proceed. For the Sake then of Clearness in Argument, I will first endeavour to prove the Advantages which America will derive to herself from this Non-exportation and Non-importation Scheme, universally entered into, in Opposition to the Slavery intended by this Parliamentary Taxation, incautiously assumed at this Time, from the evident Destruction which awaits the whole Empire, should they succeed in it. It would be tedious here to set forth the Arguments of several British Authors, as well as many Parliamentary Debates, to ascertain the Number of Inhabitants in Great Britain, that depend upon America for their real Subsistence; and indeed it would be something uncertain if I did, because I find them advanced from Half a Million of People, by some, up to four Millions at least, by others, including all their several depending Connections: It cannot then be judged extravagant to reason as from a mean or middle Number, and allow that two Millions of People are wholly supported by their manufacturing for, their trading with, and their navigating to and from America. Can there then be a more probable Expedient to bring about a Harmony between this oppressive Mother Country and her Colonies than for all America to endeavour to convince her, by withholding all farther Commerce with her, that the Lives of so many, compromising her parental Claim, must certainly be endangered by so Sensible an Association? Will not this be the most effectual Method in the World of demonstrating what even they themselves, in Hours more serious than those employed in aggrandizing their Supremacy as Parents, have often acknowledged, that one Penny Tax laid on America was at least equal to ten Pence laid on themselves, in its experienced Effects? Certainly there cannot want an Argument to convince those disposed to consider any Thing, that this must be the Mode of opening the Eyes of those Parliamentary Lords who want to enslave this western Part of the Empire; and show them how many of their own People will thereby be reduced to a Necessity that cannot be compensated by any Power of Supremacy whatever, not even a total Extirpation of the present Colonists, could that be possibly effected. Two Millions of such Home-bred Insurgents must unavoidably enforce at least an Air of Reconciliation, whilst Time and Humanity shall conclude the wished for Period. It is not possible, I should think, for even Madness unconfined to be hardy enough to await the dreadful Consequences of Hunger and Want, which have ever been proverbially characterized to break through Stone Walls, rather than to give up a Punctilio in Supremacy, and own a mistaken Principle, in a Point perhaps the most unjust, as well as most simple, of all the Failings incident to human Nature; a Grasp of Power neither led on by Common Sense, nor directed by common Prudence, which I am persuaded every sensible Being must acknowledge to be the Complexion of the present Dispute with America. Whilst with our Lives and Fortunes we were supporting the common Cause, and cultivating Laurels for their Brows, unused to American Toils, we were then his Majesty's brave Subjects, worthy of a Reimbursement; but now, through the Rage of Supremacy, we are only the rebellious People of America, and must be subdued. Sure then, my Countrymen, it is Time for us to convince them that America wants neither Squadrons nor Armies to subdue her; and to show such an unnatural Mother that her Colonies only desire to enjoy the Freedom which they were born to, even considered as her Children, that Freedom which she herself enjoys, and this by letting her see the Advantages she has ever drawn from her Fellow Subjects, by giving her a full Taste of her own Distresses without such Assistance. However, as this Scheme is in part (as before) objected to by some of us, I would beg to reason a little with them upon that Objection. It is said, by Non-exportation they will be deprived of the Means of paying their Debts contracted with the Merchants of Great Britain, which, in their Opinions, no just grateful Conscience should assent to. To be sure, if nothing but an Engagement simply between Man and Man was to be weighed in this Scale of Conscience, there cannot be an American but must agree with them; but, in such an affecting Alternative as Freedom or Slavery, there seems to be a Compulsion which to choose that leaves no Man to the Disposition which he ought to possess with Individual Simplicity, and the Justice of this a familiar Word or two on the present Case must explain to every Body. Allow a Parent an undoubted Supremacy over his Child, and in the Rage of that Supremacy suppose this Parent endeavouring to load his Child with Chains of Slavery, how should Conscience be obliged to dictate under such a Compulsion? Suppose then a Creditor of that Child, either acting in Concert with that Parent, or (which is the same Thing in Effect) indolently only looking on, without endeavouring to relieve his Debtor, at the Same Time that his own Interest as a Creditor must suggest to him the Impossibility of being paid his Debt under such a State of Slavery, can any Thing be a greater Proof of such a Creditor's Inclination that the Child should be so treated than such his Indifference? Recount over the several Duties of Morality, and see if one of them ever observed and respected such a tertium quid (to borrow a Term from Chemistry) such a neutral Disposition in Society, without concluding some Advantage or Reward given or expected (or such an absolute Treachery to Society, Doctrine, as well as Experience, must tell us all) that he who is not for us must be against us. But allow the Creditor's Incapacity to relieve in the Case should be asserted, without some Effort to prevent, who can distinguish his Motive of Indifference from his Inclination? However, suppose his Incapacity to be really the Cause, ought not the Child to endeavour to compel him (if in his Power) in Concert with others, who, from a different Motive of Interest, the Child may be able to engage in his Relief, such as the Non-importation Part of this Scheme seems rationally to be productive of? I have only introduced this Reasoning to alarm this confined Conscience with the Obstacles which, in every such Instance, will most certainly contend against it. Next let me close in a little nearer with his ill-digested Casuistry, and that by a Question or two ad Hominem, as we often say. When Gentlemen object to this Non-exportation Proposal, because it tends, a While, to prevent the Payment of their Debts to the Merchants at home, with a greater Desire to instruct them, as all the several Duties of Life must have been digested in such a Series of entire Years, by all the Rules of Religion, Justice, and Morality, I say, than I can have to offend, I beg Leave to know why they have not thus religiously, thus conscientiously, endeavoured to devote the Whole of their Exportation to the Discharge of their Debts, ever since they so unhappily became in Debt, as to prevent their doing as they please with their Property? It is not a Question which cannot be answered, and very justly too; and lest Modesty should make them decline giving the Answer, I desire to do it, because from the Answer I expect to gain the full Conviction which I aim at. They must in Answer allege, that either the necessary Calls of their Families, the Improvement of their Estates by some evident Advantage not to be lost, some necessary Accommodations of their Friends, some Indulgence to themselves in Dress or the more agreeable Modes of Living, cum multis aliis certissime longis, have always so necessarily required a Part of their Exports that they could not be applied to discharge their Debts. I am ready to grant the Justice of them all; and as such incidental Expences are generally pretty frequent, and greatly constant in their Prices, it is not to be doubted but that in the Fluctuation of their Commodities exported, ex More Mercatorum, some of them must rather have increased their Debts. Here Conscience smile, or rather hide your Face, lest the Ghost of a Heathen, a Cicero, should arise and tell you that however dear such Considerations have been to engage your kind Assistance, there is one Duty (that which now calls upon you) that exceeds them all, because really it comprehends them all; your Duty to your Country, its Freedom, its every Thing that can make it, yourselves, or your Posterity, &c. happy. The Honesty, the Gratitude, introduced into this Objection against Non-exportation, to grace this Conscience in its Trammels, which it seems too willingly to have put on, would have been indisputably just, were they pertinent. But does Non-exportation cancel any Debt? It can only be alleged to protract the Payment of it for a While; and certainly, by the Effect intended by it, it will be rather an honest Endeavour to make every such Debt more rationally to be expected to be discharged. As to Gratitude, heavenly Virtue! how often have you been misunderstood! Didst thou ever enforce an Obligation, where the Means to return it were absolutely done away and permitted to be so by the Obligor? And will not this be the Case should this Parliamentary Taxation be established on America? You have, my Friends, paid a respectful Credit to those who (though quite silent as to the Distress planning against us) advised you to give over making your Staple Tobacco, as an Employment which must certainly bring you in Debt. Under such an Alarm, to be sure Non-exportation of such a Commodity could not, in any Sense, prevent the Payment of your Debts. But now other Merchants, with more Consistency, recommend to you 'to stop your Exportations, as the only Mode you can fall upon to preserve your Freedom,' though they have Thousands really owing to them. Such an evident patriotick Consistency, worthy only of the Appellation of a Merchant, you seem to pay no Regard to. Certainly this must be an Age of Absurdities! In Britain, they want to destroy themselves by enslaving their Colonies; and in America, they would destroy themselves rather than for a While protract the Payment of their Debts! How fatal must it ever be to let the lesser Duties of Life exclude the higher from that Sanctum Sanctorum of the Divinity which moves within us, and points out an Hereafter unto Man, our Consciences! O that Men would be wise in this, perhaps our only Day, to prevent Despotism from rushing in at this Gate of Supremacy which is now assumed, and may be soon opened upon us all!

EXPERIENCE.