The Virginia Gazette

Mess. Purdie & Dixon,

SOME anecdotes in your paper concerning the tumultuary proceedings of the populace at Norfolk upon a late occasion induce me to trouble your readers with a few loose thoughts upon mobs in general, and their dangerous tendency.

I think we may pretty justly define a mob to be an illegal and tumultuary assembly met to execute something against, or at least without, the countenance of law or order; or, to go a little further, unrestrained by any government from committing violence on some persons or things under the publick protection.

When men are let loose from the restraints of laws and punishments, it is shocking to human nature to think of the barbarities which become their sport: It therefore behoves every well regulated community to prevent every thing which may, but for the shortest interval, suspend the influence of government upon its individuals; since it is certain that security of person and property becomes very precarious, nay in great and imminent danger, as soon as even a remission of its vigour can be perceived. Now as from the idea of security arises that tranquillity which gives leisure for the enjoyment of happiness, and which is the essential excellence of a good and free government, it surely follows that whatever tends to disturb that security, or, in other words, to put the individuals of a community under any apprehension of danger to their persons or properties, must be subversive of that freedom, and injurious to that happiness: Therefore an assembly of men who apprehend themselves enlarged from all restraint of government, since experience has proved them to be ever prone to violence, must be highly injurious to civil liberty, which consists in the ability of quietly using our own so as not to injure others.

If these positions be just, and I think no reasonable man will doubt them, it will obviously appear that mobs in popular governments have all the ill effects of despotic tyranny, and none of its advantages, since they prevent the execution of all law. In short, a popular tyranny has been always found the most grievous, because the violence of the multitude is always more precipitate and excessive than that of an individual tyrant. I will wave any further consideration on this point, and hasten to what I apprehend is of great importance to our own community, and by far the more so as our political and civil liberty seem to totter on a ruinous precipice. The expedient made use of by all the European states to prevent popular tumults and violence is an army. Guards are placed in every little town to keep the people in subjection to laws made for their own safety. This has furnished the different sovereigns with a good pretext for maintaining a standing army, and even disarming the people. What need I mention the danger of this weapon in the hands of ambition? What cannot a Prince do when at the head of a gallant army, against a defenceless and undisciplined multitude? Naked and unarmed, it were madness to resist, and submitting to tyranny must become the more eligible conduct. But how particularly cautious ought we to be of giving so good a pretence to our Governors, who are already very jealous of us, to plant soldiers amongst us, which we ourselves must own to be necessary, nay which we must request, rather than be exposed to popular violence; not to consider that we must be saddled with taxes to pay such troops, and must ever afterwards hold our liberties and lives at the precarious pleasure of a jealous government. I must beg leave to be of opinion that our ministerial mob leaders can boast of having done very little service to the liberties of their country, or the emolument of its inhabitants, when they render security precarious; and oblige the Prince to hang, as it were, by a very slender hair, over its freedom, to keep the people from violating private rights. I do not mean to address myself to the ignorant, headstrong, turbulent leaders and exciter of mobs. I know the rod only can reclaim such, but it is the candid, the generous, serious, and publick spirited, who through the inevitable frailty of human nature may have fallen into error, and may be ready to pursue mistaken measures, and thereby ruin that liberty they mean to protect. To such I say I would wish to point out the shelves on which such courses must infallibly carry them, never doubting but such will be ever open to conviction, and ready to embrace any more promising means to effect their generous purposes. In short, it is to such as the respectable - who I expect will listen to any propositions and cautions which may tend to the common good of his country. people may be allowed to be their own judges; but as I have not, Had I leisure, I might proceed to declare where I apprehend the I will in brief say that opposition to flagrant tyranny may excuse tumults, but private violence never can.

I am, Gentlemen,
Your humble servant,

Richmond county,
A LOVER OF ORDER.

Sept. 18, 1768.