National Gazette

LONDON, Nov. 2.

The obstinacy of the French Princes, who instead of returning to their country in order to enjoy the liberal provision made for them by the National Assembly, still choose to be humble dependants on the munificence of foreign courts, rather than imitate the conduct of their royal brother, gives us great reason to conjecture that they are yet in expectation of some exertions being made in their favor. Were their hopes of entering France at the head of an army, as their adherents have long boasted, entirely vanished, they would certainly not be so imprudent as to continue in a state of exile, when, by taking advantage of the act of amnesty passed in their favor, they might recover ease and independence, and be honored and esteemed among their fellow-citizens. This circumstance alone, were there no other, must incline us to think that the report of a confederation, entered into by the German princes and other powers, to restore the ancient government of France, is not entirely void of foundation. The great defection of French officers, which has taken place since the king accepted the constitution, seems to be a corroborating proof of the justness of this idea; but as the pretence of assisting Lewis XVI, is now entirely done away, it is probable that the enemies of France will make the claims of the German princes, respecting Alsace, a handle for carrying their designs into execution. To give a greater colour of justice to their proceedings, a general congress of ministers from most of the powers in Europe, will perhaps be assembled; and should negotiation prove abortive, recourse will be had to hostile measures. But, as winter now rapidly advances, the French have little to fear this season from those who may wish to disturb their repose. In the mean time, their constitution will be acquiring fresh strength and vigour such plans will, no doubt, be adopted by the new National Assembly as will add to its weight and influence; proper care will be taken to guard the frontiers of the kingdom, and to augment its resources; the difficulties which the confederates must encounter will thus every day be increasing; and before the period arrives for taking the field, such circumstances may occur as will render their scheme either highly dangerous, or altogether impracticable.

The emperor, who ought to be the principal support of it, if he is not infatuated by intemperate zeal, must foresee the consequence likely to arise from his entering warmly into any plan of this kind; and we cannot conceive with what face he can openly attack a country whose new national flag he has already publicly acknowledged.

The King of Sweden and the Empress of Russia, it is said, are very much disposed to support a counter revolution in France. This is not at all surprising. The former, by the late revolution in that country, has lost a considerable subsidy; and the latter reigns over perhaps more slaves than all the other sovereigns of Europe. It is the interest of the one, therefore to endeavour to recover what he has lost, and of the other to retain what she already possesses. If the spirit of liberty, the focus of which seems at present to be in France, should continue to increase, it may reach even the remote regions of the Russian Empire. The people in many parts there are sold like black cattle. This undoubtedly is a shameful degradation, which the proprietors of land there wish as little to see abolished as the West-India planters do the slave-trade, and which government countenances to answer its own purposes.