The New York Herald

HEAR BOTH SIDES.
The Cadet-Seller Whittemore Speaks for Himself.
A Succinct and Curious Narrative of the Congressional Life of a Carpet-bagger.

[From the Boston Traveller, July 1.]

We cheerfully give place in the columns of the Traveller to the following letter from B. F. Whittemore, of South Carolina:

TO THE EDITORS OF THE TRAVELLER:—

BOSTON, June 29, 1870.

As your columns have ever been open to a fair and just criticism of matters and events, I ask an opportunity to present a few facts in connection with my "case" which I know will command and receive the attention of all who love liberty, seek equity and grant equal rights in all conditions of life or responsibility.

I begin by saying whatever may have been the decisions of a committee in secret session, or action of Congress upon those decisions, that the whole treatment of my "case" has been hurried, unnecessarily severe and partial. Like the work of an inquisition was the disposal of its merits or demerits. Had I been allowed time to prove my statements and my sworn assertions I would have shown a combined effort to blackmail not only myself, but others; a conspiracy to ruin me in public and private life and drive me from the labor with which I have become so devotedly attached—the elevation of the children so lately redeemed from the house of bondage and the "lifting up" of the new made freemen and citizens of the South.

Never before, where justice is expected to be rendered, has such an injustice been permitted. From the first to the last I have not been allowed to speak in defence of my course. General Logan has been prosecutor, persecutor and executioner. Not a sound legal mind on the floor of Congress has been suffered to argue from "the law or the testimony." The nine Star Chamber crucifiers have clamored for my blood, and they have smeared their garments with it, branding all as "cowards" who sought a hearing and argument.

General Butler called for time; General Schenck added his demand for deliberation; Judge Poland appealed for reasonable opportunity; Dawes condemned haste; Julian turned his back upon the outrage, and I do not hesitate to say the men of judgment, who have respect to the law and precedent, who voted against Logan's vindictive resolution or left the House refusing to vote, will say such a course was unworthy the House of Representatives and unjust to me—subversive of every right of a constituency which had judged my "case" and returned me to my seat in Congress.

I disclaim all criminal intentions or desire to commit an act, in the disposal of the recommendations for scholarships at the military and naval academies, which could be construed into an illegality or pronounced corrupt.

If ever I did an unselfish act in my life it was when I conferred the favor of a recommendation for the young men as cadets to West Point and Annapolis. The testimony in "the case" will show that; and no evidence exists to prove that any personal advantage was derived from it. Whatever was done benefited my constituency. No direct or indirect pecuniary or other valuable consideration or compensation was ever received by me for myself; nor did I feel that I was amenable to a criminal statute in permitting those I had favored, by sending two boys to school to aid in establishing schools where hundreds of the youth of my district might be taught.

I did not rob the government, by vote or otherwise; no money was paid me to influence my recommendations. I gave them without stipulated or expected personal reward. I thought I was free from venal intent or purpose. While I must say I would not again do as I have done, I must also conscientiously affirm that I cannot believe I have committed a criminal act, for which I should be cast out from the pale of amnesty or thrown "to the beasts at Ephesus."

I think intentions should be considered as well as acts—what prompted the act as well as the act itself. If the motive was pure—though the act were questionable—the even-balanced scales of justice would show the weight of crime attached to the act. I trust all who have condemned me without a hearing will never be judged by an ex parte tribunal, and that they are free from every taint, stain or suspicion.

I have tried to do my duty wherever I have been called. I claim not to be without sin, and will cast no stones at my accusers; but the many calumnies that have been heaped upon me are, in the aggregate, the conception of base intriguers and conspirators, and thrown broadcast to complete my overthrow. I shrink not from a fair, candid, impartial investigation of my life; and, while there are many things I regret, I am sure the verdict will be—"Not so black as painted."

I do not blame a community for its opinion, when formed upon the revealed accusations of sensational scribblers;" but I ask them to go to those who know me rather than to those who know me not, and inquire of them as to my standing.

A life-long anti-slavery advocate, when the war, which was to obliterate the sum of all villainies, broke upon us, I embraced the opportunity to add my strength, and was ready to offer my life with the legions of patriots to save the Union, destroy its chiefest enemy and strike the shackles from the limbs of the millions of American bondmen.

Of my fidelity to my country, the cause of freedom, to my comrades in arms, I ask the readers of this article to seek information of the Adjutant General's and Treasurer's departments of Massachusetts, as well as of the officers and men of the Fifty-third and Thirtieth Massachusetts Volunteers, with whom I served four years in the service of the United States.

At the close of the war, being ordered to South Carolina, June, 1865, I saw the true condition of the people, "the results of the war" in all its phases. I became interested in the multitudes of necessities around, and when mustered out of the United States service threw my whole soul into the service of humanity.

For five years I have been intimate with every pulsation of the people. More schools have been established, schoolhouses built, churches reared in what is now my Congressional district than in any other district in the South.

The South Carolina Republican, of June 18, says:—"It is an undeniable fact; no man has done more or seemed to do more' for the colored people than Mr. Whittemore. He has displayed the steadiest and most industrious interest in everything which pertained to their welfare. He has been instrumental in erecting more schoolhouses in his district than exist in any district in the State. He has travelled, lectured, preached; prayed everywhere for them, and begged all over the country for them. He has just given them the best possible practical advice on subjects and duties of daily life. It is useless to say he expended none of his own money. The people believe he did, and those who do not know that he gave his time and energy freely, and without his efforts not a tithe of these results would have been accomplished."

More than this, the New England branch of the Freedmen's Union Commission, whose headquarters are in this city, can testify to my co-operation with them in the noble work of educating "the wards" of the nation.

I think, then, I can ask, with such a record as this, can any one reasonably believe I have been influenced by mercenary or selfish motives in any act that would affect the interests of those I have represented, or imperil the usefulness of the entire future of my life?

This was the view taken by a large number of the members of the House who voted for "the resolution of censure" after my resignation, while they condemned by their vote the custom of the disposition of cadetships for pecuniary considerations," they did not believe my intention wrong or the motives which actuated me corrupt, and many of those who gave their "aye" in the vote of censure, recommended me "to go back to my constituents and run for re-election." None more seriously or sincerely (as I thought) at that time advised this course than General Logan, who so persistently dragooned the House into a hasty ballot.

The day after my resignation I called on General Logan at his committee room, when he said in answer to the question from me, "Have you any personal feeling against me?" "No! on the contrary, I am your friend; I am sorry the committee did not report a resolution of censure instead of expulsion; I did not believe your intention wrong; I hope you will be returned to Congress, and I will be the first man to welcome your return."

As corroborative of this assertion an affidavit of one of the most respected citizens of his district is given.

Feeling wronged by the one-sided action of Congress in my "case," with such assurances I went to my constituents, and presented the whole matter to them; went through a campaign unprecedented for abuse and malicious persecution, receiving in the meantime from the best legal minds of the House the assurance, if re-elected, there was neither the will, power, or inclination, on the part of Congress to prevent my readmission."

I was re-elected by a majority of 8,499, from a district comprising over 187,000 inhabitants, where there are better school facilities, more general diffusion of all that pertains to intelligence and culture than any other district in the State, in the South. And not by colored votes alone; a large number of white votes were given for me; and so well satisfied were many of the opposite political party of the cruelty of the action of Congress in my "case," that they abstained from voting for my opponent, believing I ought to be returned and have the opportunity of defence.

I came with my credentials, legal in form, and presented them through the Speaker of the House. Instead, as he had promised, of being "the first man to welcome my return," General Logan, with the same vindictiveness that characterized his course upon "the resolution of censure," meets me with objections; declares me disqualified; offers a resolution of exclusion; makes a vituperative harangue; perverts history and precedent; ignores law, lawyers and judges; denounces thinking, grave and reflecting men; cracks his whip over an American Congress; calls them "weak-kneed," wanting nerve, "cowards," moves the previous question," contrary to "the judgment" of the statesman who has been "the chairman of the Committee on Elections" for a dozen years; despite the opinion of the great defender of constitutional law who presides over the Committee on the Judiciary; and, while the inevitable outrage stared the world in the face, 124 responses are given to the Loganized proposition to disfranchise one fourth of a State and deny them the right of representation, against all the established theories which guard the rights of electors.

Twenty-nine gave their solemn negative to such an infringement upon popular government. Seventy-seven were absent or refused to take part in the arbitrary exclusion of one who came with his commission representative an unrepresented constituency.

The people will give their vote in this matter, and their decision will demand more than a hurried hearing. Vox populi is more than the voice of Logan or his 124 adherents.

A precedent is now established which, like Banquo's ghost, will never "down," but will ever rise to trouble those who have created it. Such a contempt as has been shown for the suffragists by whom I have thrice been elected to represent them in Congress will not only call from them a stern and unmistakable protest, but will be denounced by every respecter of the constitution, which is the law by which our liberties are governed, no matter of what party, throughout the whole country. Congress and the people are now arrayed as the Commons and the people were. One hundred years have elapsed and history has repeated itself. Wilkes was "the friend of liberty," and if I have been forced to re-enact his part, I shall not fail to do my duty until the people shall be secure in all their rights—social, personal, political, representative.

I am, respectfully, yours truly,
B. F. WHITTEMORE.