The National Intelligencer And Washington Advertiser

FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.

To the People of Maryland.
No. II.

In my first address to you, I asserted, that though the federalists in this state are endeavoring to make the present struggle, to turn on local or personal considerations, it should really be decided on the comparative merits of the two parties, who, since the first formation of the federal government, have divided the people of the U. S. To prove this assertion to be correct, it is only necessary to refer to the course pursued by those who take the lead on this subject on the anti-republican side. They continually intermix with the electioneering topics of the day, eulogiums on federal men and federal measures, They endeavor to disguise the bitter draught of their own principles with some mixtures which they conceive will be more palatable to the people. In all the counties, the candidates selected on that side are noted for their attachment to the same doctrines. The subject then on which you, fellow citizens, are called upon to decide, is not whether this or that man shall have political power and influence. This is comparatively insignificant. But you are to say whether you are attached to the pure principles of a republican government-whether you are attached to union, to the constitution of your country-and whether you wish that constitution to be administered conformably to its real spirit and so as to preserve your liberties and those of your remotest posterity These are the great and momentous questions which you have to decide which should awaken the attention of the most supine, and excite the exertions of the most indolent. In such a cause neutrality is treason. The man who now suffers correct principles to be hazarded by his want of exertion, will never be able to atone to his country or to his own conscience for his neglect of duty. What the views, the principles and the practices of federalism are, we know from a fatal experience. At the formation of our government, baffled in an effort to erect monarchy on the ruins of the confederation, there has been an incessant struggle since, to assimilate our institutions to those of England, & to infuse a degree of force and power into the administration of our government which was inconsistent with its principles. Unable to accomplish this in the meditated degree under the administration of Washington, new efforts were made with more success at a subsequent period. Mr. Adams's letters lately published clearly demonstrate the views of the then dominant party, Mr. Hamilton, who was the proposer, in the federal convention, of a form of government little if at all short of monarchy, was the man who first suggested to Mr. Adams most, if not all, the obnoxious and odious measures by which that era was distinguished. Mr. Adams resisted the proposal made to him in the first instance as insulting and improper, but the schemes were afterwards carried into effect by the influence of Mr. Hamilton, the President's Secretaries who were entirely subservient to his views, and the majority of Congress who were of the same political sect. The most active in the project against the public liberty next to Hamilton, was Timothy Pickering who has lately in a letter to the Editor of a newspaper which is stiled a vindication of his own character, evinced a pretty strong desire as to the event of your elections. He probably anticipated in the hoped for triumph of federalism a restoration to power, that he may hatch new plots against your liberties. The measures which the reign of federalism gave birth to or attempted, were an excessive increase of land and naval armaments, increase of taxes, lavish expenditure of the public revenue. extension of patronage by creation of useless offices, a strong desire manifested to involve us in the wars of Europe, the insecurity of personal freedom in the passage of the alien law, and the destruction of the freedom of the press effected by the sedition act. This black catalogue exhibits in its true colors the prevailing principles of that disastrous epoch. That the liberties of the country survived such formidable attempts, we are to thank the efforts of that very party which you are now urged to banish from your service. The course pursued by the republicans when in power is the reverse in every respect of their opponents. They have shewn a determination to keep the troops and navy of the U. S. within the narrowest limits which were consistent with the public safety, to diminish taxes, to encourage economy by suppressing useless expenditure, to curtail patronage and abolish useless offices, to maintain a faithful neutrality as to the European nations who are engaged in war, to hasten the payment and extinction of the national debt and above all to preserve inviolate the constitution of the U. States and the rights of the people which it was framed to secure. Between parties which act upon these opposite principles you are to choose. I have only presented an outline of the course which each has followed. The recollection of every man will, I believe, shew its fidelity, and will serve to fill up and supply the various traits and colorings which will make the picture complete. Will you then, fellow citizens, prefer a party whose system of politics will perpetuate to latest posterity the advantages of our free government, or will you restore to power men whose principles you have had experience of and whom you removed from your councils because you found their views of policy inconsistent with your welfare and your dearest rights.

There is one other topic which I ought to suggest to you and I shall close my address, and submit what I have said to meet with a reception by you such as you may think it merits. There never was a period at which it was more important or the people of the U. S. to display unanimity in support of its government. Injured and insulted by both belligerent nations we have exhausted almost all the efforts which it is possible to make for an honorable and pacific adjustment of our differences. Our government ever true to its principle of an impartial neutrality, seized with alacrity a proposition to adjust our causes of controversy with one of the belligerents. An adjustment was made with her minister. In consequence of this every restriction on commerce was taken off by us and property to an immense amount is afloat on the ocean. The arrangement is suddenly disavowed by the nation whose minister made it, and our commerce is greatly exposed to the rapacity of the belligerents. Interest seems to be the only motive by which the nations of Europe are regulated in their conduct towards us, and the people of America have only their own virtue, their own firmness and the enlightened policy of their government invigorated by their unanimous and cordial support to rely on, to carry them safely and honorably through the difficulties by which they are surrounded. There is too much reason to believe that some of the belligerents have counted much on divisions which they supposed existed among the American people. It should be the effort of every good citizen to evince the falsehood of so dishonorable an imputation. There are certainly individuals & presses in America who advocate acts on the part of the belligerents towards us which cannot be justified or palliated so long as this nation is considered independent. For the honor of human nature, for the honor of our country, it is to be hoped that this sentiment which goes to the prostration of the American people at the feet of the belligerents or one of them is not prevalent. The circumstance however of the suspicion of its existence, no matter in how narrow limits, makes it a sacred duty in you, fellow-citizens, to vindicate by your votes the aspersed honor of our country, to support men at elections, who have ever signalised themselves in defence of that honor and whose latest prayers will be for its support and for the maintenance and perpetuation of your liberties.

A REPUBLICAN.