The National Intelligencer And Washington Advertiser

PARIS, AUG. 24.

MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Report made to the First Consul, in Senate, by the Minister for Foreign Affairs. Sitting of Saturday, 3d Fructidor. (August 21.)

The Treaty of Luneville had operated the absolute re-establishment of peace between France and Germany. It had regulated in an express, and definitive manner, the general reports between these two countries, and France being in every point satisfied, the entire execution of the treaty would not have required any ulterior regulations, if it had not been acknowledged to be just, and been formally stipulated, that the cession consented to by the empire for the advantage of the Republic, should be supported collectively by the Germanic Federation ; admitting, however, the distinction of hereditary lay Princes, and of usufructuary Ecclesiastics.

This principle once laid down by it appeared to belong to the Germanic body to employ itself upon the application of it spontaneously and without delay.

The sincere wish of the French government, solely applied to the affairs of the interior, was to be considered as nothing in the regulation of the promised indemnities, and they restricted their influence to the making known frequently how desirous they were of seeing the treaty of Luneville carried into complete execution by the execution of the 7th article. But their representations were ineffectual, and more than a year elapsed without their being able to perceive that the least thing had been done towards the distribution of the indemnities.

This inaction in executing one of the capital stipulations of the treaty of Luneville, left all Germany in a state of uncertainty, which became daily more embarrassing, because pretensions and intrigues arose, and became stronger in proportion as the indecision in the affair, and in the public mind became greater. The species of dissolution in which the Germanic body was, delayed to all Europe the advantages of peace, and might in some respects compromise the general tranquility. The government of the republic was not single in the belief of this danger, and while it received from every quarter representations from the parties interested in the distribution of the indemnities, the court of Russia testified how urgent it appeared to it that the affairs of Germany should be regulated.

The emperor Alexander, at his accession to the throne, felt the noble desire of contributing to the maintenance of the peace re-established; and an intimate concert, a frank and complete association of the most generous views being quickly formed between the First Consul and the emperor, it was acknowledged by them that the pacification of the continent could not be solidly guaranteed until the treaty of Luneville should have received its complete execution ; and that that execution could not be procured but by the intervention and influence of two powers perfectly disinterested, whose preponderating mediation would remove all the obstacles that had arisen for 18 months to the definitive distribution of the indemnities.

It was then solely to seal the pacification of Europe, and to guarantee the stability of it, that the First Consul and his majesty the Emperor of Russia determined, by common consent, to interfere in the affairs of Germany, in order to effect, by their mediation, what had been vainly expected from the internal deliberations of the Germanic body.

The first point being agreed upon, a discussion was opened and followed between the two cabinets for the examination of the ways and means that might lead to the desired result. It was decreed, that a general plan of indemnity should be presented to the diet, and it was in the drawing up of this plan that the most scrupulous care was taken on both sides, to compensate all losses, to satisfy all interests, and to reconcile the demands of justice with the dictates of policy.

It was not, in fact, sufficient to determine rigorously the value of the losses sustained, and to proportion the compensation to them ; the effects of the war having changed the internal balance of Germany, it was necessary to direct the attention to the re-establishment of it.

The introduction of new princes into the Germanic system required new combinations. The real value of the indemnities were not merely to result from their extent, but frequently from their position, and the advantages which the concentration of their old and new domains might give to some powers, were themselves an important consideration worthy of being attended to.

The two governments then applied themselves to the examining with a scrupulous care, the question of indemnities in all its relations. They felt that if policy required the complete satisfaction of the principal houses, it was not less strictly just to procure for the states of the 2d and 3d order an indemnification for their losses, and the First Consul was particularly anxious to maintain those rights which might have found less support among the interested.

A perfect concert, which had been established between France and Russia, the fortunate result of the direct relations which the First Consul had maintained with the Emperor of Russia, having reigned over every discussion, the parties were soon agreed upon all points, and a general plan of indemnity determined upon at Paris between the respective plenipotentiaries, received the approbation of the First Consul and the Emperor.

It was agreed that this plan should be presented to the diet of the empire, in the form of a declaration, which should be made by extraordinary ministers named for that purpose. On the part of the First Consul, it is the citizen Laforest, minister of the republic to the Elector Palatine of Bavaria, who has received orders to repair to Ratisbon ; on the part of the Emperor of Russia, it is Baron de Buler, his minister at Munich.

The declaration was to be presented some days ago, and the reading of it ordered by the First Consul in senate will make known the principles that have actuated the two governments, and the care which they have taken in directing the application of them.

In fact, if we examine the plan proposed, we shall see, that in the execution of a system, which has for its principal object the consolidation of the peace of Europe, the attention has been particularly directed to the diminishing of the chances of war,--It is on this account, that care has been taken to avoid all contact of territory between the two powers that have the most frequently dyed Europe with blood by their quarrels, and which, sincerely reconciled, cannot have at present a stronger desire than to remove all occasions of misunderstanding which grow out of neighbourhood, and which, between these rival states, are never without danger.

The same principle adopted, not in its full rigour, but as far as circumstances permitted, has decided the placing of the indemnities of Prussia beyond contact with France and Batavia.

From this arrangement, Austria will have drawn the immense advantage of seeing all her possessions concentrated.

The Palatine house, will have also received a stronger and more advantageous organization for its defence.

And Prussia will continue to form in the Germanic system the essential basis of a necessary counterpoise.

The regulation of the secondary indemnities has also been proposed, according to general and particular expediency, and nothing has been neglected to establish them in a just proportion to the losses recognized. It may, however, appear that the house of Baden has received more advantages than the others: but it has been deemed necessary to fortify the circle of Suabia which is between France & the Great German States: & the First Consul was pleased that, in this circumstance, policy was in perfect union with the disposition of the French government, who could not but see with pleasure an increase of power granted to a prince, whose virtues had long obtained the esteem of Europe, whose alliance had so honorably distinguished his family, and whose conduct, during the whole course of the war, had particularly deserved the good will of the Republic.

It is thus with real satisfaction, that France and Russia, obliged to adopt secularization as the basis of the indemnities, have recognized the possibility of preserving in the empire an ecclesiastical elector, and that they have proposed to assign him a suitable situation, by leaving him the title and functions of arch-chancellor.

Some general considerations may still be presented to the Diet, to serve as a foundation to the interior regulations which the new organization of the Germanic body shall require: and the First Consul and the Emperor of Russia may undoubtedly arrogate to themselves that, solely animated with the desire of consolidating peace in Europe, and not influenced by any personal interest, they have neglected nothing on their part to present to the Diet of the empire such a plan of indemnity, that it appears to them impossible to draw up one whose basis and developments should be more conformable to the spirit and letter of the treaty of Luneville, more analogous to the political state of Europe, and more favorable to the maintenance of peace.

The two governments of France and Russia are persuaded that the time which they have settled will be sufficient for the decision of the Germanic interests, and that they will find, in the long prosperity that Germany will derive from the plan, a sweet and honorable recompense for the efforts they have made to procure it.