Daily National Intelligencer

MESSRS. EDITORS,

By inserting the following in your paper you will oblige

A SUBSCRIBER.

To the Freemen of Montgomery County.

The election is over—the hard struggle is at end—you have combatted, and you conquered. I congratulate you on it. Federalists! who opposed Mr. Hanson, I congratulate you on the success of your efforts: Republicans! who coalesced with these federalists, I congratulate you too! You have acted a glorious part. It is honorable to your character and principles: You were sick of party spirit and you wished to allay it. You were tired of division, and you wished to destroy it. You were disgusted with the violence, the acrimony, the outrageous abuse which marked the columns of the Federal Republican, and you wished to give its former editors the repose of private life. You were indignant at usurpation; dictation and intrigue, and you joined us to put down these, to bury the spirit of faction, of discord, of anti-federalism, and Hansonism in the same grave; and we have effected it. Coodyism and the democracy of Montgomery were to have been levelled to the ground; they were to have been trampled under foot; they were to have been interred in the same grave. Wretched prophets! Coodyism, as it has been termed, has triumphed. Coodyism is the predominant spirit of the state. Hansonism is down; it is down in the Senate, down in the state, down even in head quarters, down in 'old Montgomery,' and it is to your honor that you contributed to effect it. Yes, you joined us—I am not afraid to own the alliance; I am not ashamed of our companions in glory; it was an honorable compromise; it was dictated by a regard for the constitution, and a love of peace. It was not founded upon any concessions. It was not bottomed upon any previous contract. You know that we did not surrender any of our political principles; and I am sure that you did not give up one of yours. We are federalists; you are republicans. We were opposed to the election of Mr. Hanson; so were you. We united we fought—and victory, victory, my friends, crowned our efforts. I congratulate you again on this triumph. I am a citizen among you, and I felt my understanding insulted when a non-resident of our county offered himself as a candidate to represent you in the legislature of your state. I am a free man, and I felt indignant that any one should dare to impose on you your member to Congress. I am a federalist, and I saw the principles of federalism departed from by caucuses, and intrigue, and secret nominations. I am a freeholder; and I wished to see the district represented by a man who added to much respectability of character, an independent fortune in land. I am opposed to that sort of party spirit which can see no patriotism, no merit, no political honesty in a democrat; and of course I could not wish well to the election of Mr. Hanson. Do not misunderstand me. I am a federalist; not a Hanson federalist; not a Coody federalist; not a federalist of the Boston stamp; not a federalist who rejoices in the disgrace of our administration; not a federalist who would deprive a man of an office simply because he is a democrat; not a federalist who views you, democrats of Montgomery, as a putrid mass; but a Washington federalist; a republican federalist, a federalist who loves his constitution and his country; and as such a federalist; I glory in our success; and I am glad, democratic republicans of Montgomery, that you participate it. I view it as a most important event. May it lead to the most salutary consequences:—to the extinction of party spirit, to the union of all men who are friendly to our republican institutions! Is it not time that such an union should take place? Is it not time that we should think well of each other? Because I will not vote for Mr. Monroe, must I be a monarchist? Because you will support him, must you be a Jacobin? What nonsense! What an absurdity! nay, what an impudent falsehood! Federalists have shed their blood to establish our freedom. Federalists have set the ocean in a blaze with our glory; and can you believe these men to be monarchists? No, you do not. Democrats have done the same—and are they to be classed among the enemies of our country? I will not believe it. I am a federalist; but this forms no part of my creed. A stump orator, a factionist, a would-be-dictator, may make the charge; but the day has passed when such bold assertions, such unfounded accusations would be believed. Our passions have cooled, our eyes are opened, our reason has her sway. 'Tis true we differ about measures and men. We shall always do so. But must we think badly of each other; must we persecute each other on this account? It is time; my friends, to give this over. It is high time to put down the hellish sort of party spirit which dictates such a course. Are we not 'all republicans—all federalists?' Are we not the children of one common country? Do we not cultivate the same soil, and enjoy the same rights and privileges? If the rich man be protected in his palace, tell us, is not the poorest equally so in the humblest cabin? Admirable constitution! glorious form of government! which, like the radiant sun, dispenses its favors equally on all within its sphere. Esto perpetua! Be thou perpetual. And while ages roll away; while the proud monuments of antiquity shall crumble into dust; while other governments, based upon tyranny and cemented by the tears and blood of their subjects, shall exhibit no marks of their existence but the sad desolation all around them, be thou perpetual; the asylum of the world, the comfort of the afflicted, and the refuge of the distressed. Thither shall the oppressed sons of humanity fly, and kissing thy sacred soil, in the exultation of their hearts, shall exclaim, this is the land of freedom, of justice, and repose. This is my wish—be thou perpetual; it is the wish of every federalist, and is it not yours? It must be. It is the constitution, the government and laws which make us free, happy and independent; and shall I believe that you would destroy these? Shall I believe that you would pull down the house which shelters you—that you would extinguish the fire that warms you? Impossible! You may—nay, have some bad men among you. We have too; and let us, my friends, join in getting rid of them. These men have done us a world of harm; they have aroused our passions, and kept us in a state of tumult; they have given birth to the acrimony of party spirit, and created improper distinctions between us; they have filled our legislatures with men whose principal recommendation was the violence of their politics; and they have appointed to other offices fools, who became their tools. Perfectly selfish, they have contrived to keep you in an uproar, in order that they might more effectually monopolize the loaves and fishes for themselves. These, your violent men, called us monarchists, because we were federalists. Those, our violent men, denounced you as jacobins, because you are democrats. Thus proscription was often the order of the day. We had a reign of tyranny, denunciation and vengeance. The instigators of this state of things ought to be put down. They are our worst enemies; they are fire-brands in society; they are the elements of anarchy and uproar; they should be put down. He who offers you this admonition is a private citizen. He will probably remain so. He does not court popular applause, nor does he despise it; but, though in private life, he is not an indifferent spectator to the scenes which are passing around him. He loves his country and he knows that united we stand, divided we fall. He venerates our illustrious Washington—and it was his maxim, that 'party spirit is the madness of the many, for the benefit of a few.' He believes that 'we are all republicans—all federalists' in principle, and he wishes to see the odious distinction of names done away among us.

We are now at peace with the world, why should we not be so among ourselves? We are the admiration, the wonder, the envy of mankind. Upon what land has providence more kindly lavished his favors than ours? Where is the government upon the face of the earth, that will bear a comparison with this. I am ashamed when I hear an American complaining of the hardships of his government. I am indignant when I hear him prefer other constitutions to his own. Go, wretch, and live in the land of oppression and slavery: Go, herd with the paupers of the old world or subsist by robbery and theft. You are unworthy of this country; you almost contaminate the air of the free.—Here is not even the shadow of tyranny; here is no king and of course no slave. Here is no alliance between Church and State, and of course, a man may make the sign of the cross, and believe in seven sacraments, without forfeiting his right to keep a gun, or being proscribed from holding an office under the government. Here, as in our state, it is not necessary that a man should be rich to vote; but every freeman assists in making the laws which govern him. What a glorious constitution. Cherish it, love it my friends; and hand it down to your children unimpaired. In my second number I shall resume this subject. I have yet much to say to you.

A Resident of Montgomery.