The Pennsylvania Ledger, Or, The Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, & New Jersey Weekly Advertiser

Lord Temple. I am much obliged to the Noble Earl with this white staff, who has thrown so many ingenious lights on the subject of this day's debate. I must confess, on my own part, that I find it extremely difficult how to conduct myself on the present occasion. I would wish to convey my sentiments freely, and without disguise, to your Lordships, but that many insurmountable obstacles stand in the way. If I said all I think, perhaps it might be attended with inconveniencies, which of all things I would most sedulously to avoid. If, on the other hand, I should give unconnected opinions upon several points now under your Lordships consideration, perhaps I might be misunderstood. The subject is rather delicate, and probably whatever I may think or feel on the occasion may be better suppressed, because I have no doubt but that every thing which passes within these walls, will soon find it's way to the other side of the Atlantic. Were I to speak my opinions freely, it is more than probable I should find many things in the conduct of the Ministry to find fault with; nor do I look upon myself engaged by any opinion I shall throw out this day, to express the least approbation of their measures. Nevertheless, at so important a crisis as the present, when the dearest interests of this country are at stake, I should think myself very reproachable indeed, if I did not at least state my general reasons for giving a negative to the motion now on your Lordship's table. I never entertained a doubt for my own part, that this country had a supreme legislative authority over America in every case, in which the interests and government of the whole empire were materially and essentially concerned. Yet I had no hand whatever in laying on the Stamp act, though it was patronized and carried as a measure of Government by a near relation, whose memory shall be ever dear to me (his brother George Grenville). I had no interview, nor was I connected with the next Administration, who repealed that law, as I thought it no less than a surrender of our constitutional Sovereignty over America. I had no hand in laying on the duties in 1767, nor in the partial repeal of them in 1770, the very point which gave immediate rise to the present troubles. I took no part in the violent measures which have succeeded, nor of that fatal one, the worst of all, of sending the tea to America, and less than all, have I had any hand in advising the conduct of the present war. To the contrary, were I fully to speak my mind, I should perhaps censure it as totally wrong. I must, however, recur to the principles I first set out on, which is, that if the Sovereignty of this country, to every purpose of legal and equitable government, be not fully and effectually preserved, then America is lost, and the nation is undone. This country stands indeed in a most perilous situation, ruin and destruction present themselves on either hand. On this side Scylla, on that Charybdis. If we do not, by the most skilful management and dexterity, steer clear of the rocks and quicksands, with which we are surrounded, then I do not hesitate to pronounce our shipwreck inevitable. This, my Lords, I am free to declare, is a task of no common difficulty. The perils that await us are numerous and of the first impression. The first and best men are divided in opinion, both on principles of habit and conviction. I hope and trust, the King's servants are fully acquainted with their own situation, as well as that of the public. That is the first step to acting right. This is a season that requires much reflection, little to be said, and a great deal to be done. I have my own thoughts on the subject, but this is no place to impart them. The first easterly wind would most certainly waft them to America; I shall be therefore silent. I wish sincerely that Administration would consult among themselves, and call for the opinions of those who unite with them in sentiment. This is not a proper place to declare those opinions; in short, Administration must be left to determine. They are in possession of the information necessary to form a plan, and decide on the best mode of carrying it into execution. They are acquainted with the whole detail; they have lights which we have not; and they ought to look forward to all the consequences. On the whole I am, and shall ever be, for coercive measures, till America acknowledges the legislative power of the parent state. When the question of expediency arises, I shall freely speak my mind. At present we are not arrived at that period, the dispute now turns on a struggle for power; as such I shall be for maintaining the supremacy of this legislature; and as a necessary step for that purpose, shall give to Administration my confidence and support, and consequently give my negative to the motion by the noble Duke.

Lord Townshend. Having at first entertained doubts relative to the claims of this country over America, I gave the subject for some time all the attention in my power. I considered the several charters. I examined the relation both countries stood in towards each other. I looked back to the infant as well as the more mature state of the Colonies; and was at length convinced that America was bound by every rule of justice, and every tie of gratitude and political obligation, to contribute towards the common support; and consequently that America, from the beginning, had been the aggressor. But, my Lords, though the right of Great-Britain to controul every part of the dominions of the crown, were to be questioned; though the charters were binding and valid, to the extent contended, still the state of things is such, as renders it impossible to look back to the causes of this war, so as to answer any wise or salutary purpose. —The justice of the cause, is lost in the din of war. The noble Earl in the blue ribbon, (Lord Temple) has told you very justly, that it is now become a struggle for power; the die is cast, and the only point which now remains to be determined, is in what manner the war can be most effectually prosecuted, and speedily finished, in order to procure that unconditional submission, which has been so ably stated by the noble Earl with the white staff, (Lord Talbot.) I know of no method so probable to insure success to our operations, as that now adopted. By it we procure an immediate supply of men. Men trained to the use of arms, and of course fit for immediate service. And I have no reason to doubt, that the measures now pursuing will put an end to the war, in the course of a single campaign. This will operate doubly, in procuring the great object we have in view. It will at once put an end to the calamities of war, and save an immense expence to the nation. A noble Earl (Lord Effingham) has appealed to me, in relation to the present state, condition, and disposition of Ireland, to which I can only answer, if any disturbances should break out in that kingdom, they must be suppressed. I do not believe they will, nor have I any reason to think such an event at all probable. His Lordship has stated his apprehensions of a French or Spanish invasion. That too I think equally improbable. France will be cautious of making any attempt of that kind, as long as she remembers the defeat and destruction of the armament sent there under Thurot, during the late war. But supposing that the noble Earl's fears were well founded, in my opinion it would be an additional motive for our pushing on the war with vigour and effect; in short to induce us to terminate it by the most powerful and decisive operations; for if it should be permitted to linger beyond the present campaign, we will have a right to expect the interference of some foreign power, who may probably avail itself of our domestic troubles, and civil distractions. The noble Duke who made the motion, has said that foreigners were attempted to be forced on Ireland, and that it has been stripped of its national military establishment. As to the last, if it be a fault, it cannot be charged on the ministry of this country. If it was an act of their own parliament; and if his Majesty has not bound himself by his royal promise, there was nothing to prevent him from sending the whole or any part of the military force stationed in that kingdom, to what part of the empire he pleased, where the exigencies of affairs, or the operations of war should make it necessary. In respect to foreigners, the very state of Ireland, as represented by the noble Duke, would be a sufficient reason for his Majesty to send a body of foreigners into that kingdom for its defence, without advising with his parliament there; for I believe the noble Duke will hardly contend, that the King, with the advice of his Parliament here, or on an emergency previous to such advice, may not send a body of troops into any part of the dominions of the British crown, for its defence and protection.

(To be continued.)