Richmond Enquirer

VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE

PROCEEDINGS OF THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES.

Thursday, Feb. 26. A communication was received from the Senate stating that they had passed the bill concerning the sheriffalty of the county of Richmond, and the bill to extend the Charter of the Farmers' Bank, with amendments to each.--Both these bills with the amendments were laid on the table. The first was ordered to be printed, as the Senate had stricken out the original bill, and proposed an entirely new one, going to change in a material respect the law on the subject of commissioning Sheriffs.

Mr. Blackburn, from the C. or C. of J. reported 'a bill to establish District Courts of law.' It abolishes the present circuit court system, and reinstates District Courts on a plan similar to that in operation before the creation of the present system. Five hundred copies of it were ordered to be printed.

In the conversation which took place among members in relation to this bill, it was said not to be the intention of those at whose instance it was brought in, to act upon it during the present session; but to have it printed and circulated among the people, that their wishes and opinions in relation to the proposed change may be so ascertained, as to enable the next legislature to act understandingly on the subject.

On Mr. Stuart's motion, the engrossed bill to revise and amend the act incorporating a company to establish a turnpike road from the town of Staunton to James river, was taken up, read a third time and passed

On Mr. Henley's motion, the bill to provide for the enlargement of the Lunatic Hospital at Williamsburg was taken up and ordered to be engrossed.

And on motion of Mr. Sherrard, the bill establishing a lunatic hospital west of the Blue Ridge was also ordered to be engrossed.

In pursuance of the order of the day, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Taylor in the chair, on the report from the committee of Finance. The report was variously amended, and after a session of several hours, the committee rose, and Mr. Taylor reported to the House, who concurred in the amendments, and directed a bill to be brought in accordingly.

The committee of the whole having refused to strike out that part of the report of the finance committee, proposing to impose an ad valorem tax on unimproved lots in town, Mr. Harvie of R. offered resolution, which after being amended on motions made by Messrs. Garland and Watkins of P. E. was rejected in the following form:

Resolved, That leave be given to bring in a bill to appoint assessors to re-assess the value of Lands, lots and houses in the various towns and counties in this commonwealth, whose duty it shall be to make returns of such assessment to the next General Assembly.

Mr. Watkins of G. made an unsuccessful effort to obtain leave to bring in a bill to incorporate a company to cut a canal in the valley of Tuckahoe creek, and communicating with the James River Canal.

On Mr. Collier's motion, the bill concerning Pilots was ordered to be engrossed.

On Mr. Winston's motion, the engrossed bill prescribing the mode of selling lands and lots vested in the President and Directors of the literary fund, for non-payment of taxes, was taken up, sundry blanks therein filled, and passed.

The following engrossed bills were severally read a third time and PASSED; viz: 1, directing the mode of establishing the boundary lines of certain counties therein mentioned. 2, concerning Abraham Millar and John T. Rawlings.

Yesterday-Mr. Sherrard, from the committee appointed to examine the bonds of public officers, made a report, from which it appears that the bonds and security required by law, have been regularly given by the public officers, and are believed to be both ample and legal.

A communication was received from the Senate, announcing that they had passed the following bills :-1. Making an additional appropriation for furnishing the Governor's house, and for other purposes-2. Concerning the town of Lovington, in the county of Nelson, and for other purposes-3. Authorizing the President and Directors of the Board of Public Works to loan a sum of money to the Dismal Swamp Canal Company. And that they had passed with amendments, the bill prescribing the mode of arresting militia officers, and appointing courts martial for their trial in time of peace. And that several other enrolled bills had been examined and signed by the Speaker of the Senate. The bill amended by the Senate was laid on the table.

On Mr. Garland's motion, the bill concerning the inspection of tobacco at the public warehouses in the city of Richmond, was taken up. The bill was amended on motion of Mr. Wynn.

Mr. Branch offered an amendment, which, after discussion, was negatived-and the bill ordered to be engrossed.

On Mr. Loyall's motion, the bill to extend the charter of the Farmers' Bank, with the amendments of the Senate, were taken up.

Mr. Christian moved an indefinite postponement of the whole subject. He went into the merits of the question involved by the original bill, and contended that there was no necessity for acting at the present session. The views, feelings and wishes of the people ought to be consulted, as worthy to influence and control the decision of the House. But if the Bank was to be chartered with a bonus, why, he asked, give that bonus to the University? Was that institution entitled in that House to exclusive privileges?

He objected to the extension of the charter for 15 years, and argued that such an extension would probably put it out of the power of the Legislature to rid the country of banks.

The arguments which gentlemen had adduced on a former occasion to prove that there existed a necessity for keeping in existence the state banks, for the purpose of countervailing the power and the influence of the U. States' bank, were, in his opinion, fallacious.

The interest of the U. S. bank, to which it would always look with a single eye, would induce it to make loans to such persons as were entitled to them. And if bank capital be necessary, it was not material from whence it came. He went into calculations to prove that the interests of the stockholders required that the charter should be permitted to expire. They have been deriving but a small profit, and there was no probability of its increasing. The losses of the bank are now very heavy, and will be most serious and alarming if they continue to increase. The Bank is now authorized to issue paper to three times the amount of its capital-but having lost a large portion of its capital, it is still permitted to issue the same amount. Was there, he asked, no danger of issues beyond the ability of the bank to redeem? and all the consequent evils of a depreciated currency?

Mr. Loyall replied, that after the fullest and most deliberate discussion of the bill, it had passed this House by a large majority. On that occasion, the merits of the question were fully developed, and the gentleman who had just set down, had only traveled over the old ground. The question then for the House was as to the details of the amendments sent down from the Senate. That, he said, was a co-ordinate branch of the legislature, and it was due to the dignity of this House, and to the respect it owed to the other, to consider the propositions made by them with deliberation and candor, and not give them the go-by in this way. &c.

Mr. Watkins of G. was opposed to postponement, but he was not in favor of the amendments of the Senate: he thought them extraordinary, and should propose to amend, &c.

Mr. Graves called for the ayes and noes, on the question of postponement.

Mr. Blackburn was opposed to the bill, and to banks in every form but he was sensible of what was due to the Senate. He would vote against postponement, with the view of disagreeing to the amendment-and if the bill was to be lost or carried, let it be by the Senate. He would not get rid of the subject in this indirect way. He knew too well the respect due both to himself and to that respectable body.

Mr. Garland opposed postponement. He considered it was a question of the very greatest importance. It involved the credit of the paper of the Farmers' Bank-For, if this House were to postpone the bill, it would be immediately considered by the holders of the paper, to be, because the bank was not solvent and every dollar of it would be brought in- the bank would be compelled to call in its debts, and ruin would be visited on the head of thousands. The decision of this question, he said, was one of more importance than any on which he had been called to vote since he first became a member of that House. He liked the bill in its original form better than in the form in which it came from the Senate -but he was prepared to take the amendments of the Senate, rather than encounter all the ruinous consequences which must inevitably flow from a rejection of the bill.

The gentleman from New Kent (Mr. Christian) had said we should get rid of the state banks: and if we must have the benefits of banks, the United States bank was competent to every object. Was it come to this, he asked, that the state was about to surrender the control she possessed over her circulating medium, and place herself entirely in the power of the U. States Bank? He contended that the preservation of the people from the distress which threatened them was an object dearer to him, than any considerations connected with the interest of stock holders, &c. &c.

Mr. Christian explained. He left gentlemen to pursue their own course. But he believed the Senate would pass the original bill, if the House rejected their amendments-He was not willing to give them the opportunity of doing so.

Mr. Randolph said it was known to the people before the meeting of the legislature that this question would be agitated-and it had been known to a large portion of the people that the bill had passed. Since that time many gentlemen in the House had heard from their constituents, and he had not understood that any dissatisfaction had been expressed. The House had already expended much time and money in debating and acting on the subject; and, if after all this, they left it still undecided, and liable to a similar consumption of time and money at the next session, their constituents would have good cause to complain of them, and probably would send more fit persons another year.

The question was then taken and decided in the negative, ayes 62, noes 117.

After some conversation as to the order in which the amendments should be taken up, it was decided to take them up in the order in which they were reported from the Senate.

The first amendment proposed to strike out six years and insert 15 years, as the time of extension. Mr. Newman moved to disagree to this amendment-and on this question Mr. Jones of York called for the ayes and noes- prefacing his call with a few remarks going to show the propriety of permitting the charters of the Farmers' Bank and of the Bank of Va. to expire at the same time. The amendment was disagreed to-ayes 102, noes 78.

Mr. Dromgoole moved to amend the 2d amendment, by striking out $50,000, and inserting $40,000. He thought that it would be a more reasonable bonus, for 6 years than $50,000. The extension was exactly, he said, the same thing as chartering a new bank, and it was but reasonable to require a bonus.

Mr. Parker moved to disagree also to the second amendment.

Mr. Mallory opposed the idea of any bonus whatever.

Mr. Garland was in favor of disagreeing to the amendment, and of leaving the bill precisely as it went from the H. of D.

Mr. Harvie of R. asked if any circumstance had arisen to alter the determination of the House? They had, by a large majority, passed the bill without a bonus-and if they now imposed one, it must be for some good reason.

Mr. Blackburn said he always thought some bonus ought to be paid-and if he could not get 50, he would take $40,000.

Mr. Thompson of F. had no interest whatever in the bank, and regretted the course which gentlemen had pursued. He remonstrated against the exaction of the proposed bonus, which he considered extravagant and unjust.

Mr. Gordon said he had voted for disagreeing to the first amendment, because the principle of banking was involved. He had been opposed to the extension in any shape. But the Senate had presented a new question to the House: they had suggested that a bonus should be exacted for a continuation of the exclusive privileges granted to these monied institutions. It appeared from the vote of the House that they could not be put down-and if this be the case, why not exact from them some balm, some alleviation of the mischiefs which they produce? If the charter of the Farmers' Bank be this day extended without a bonus, it will be a precedent for the Bank of Virginia, N. W. Bank, and Bank of the Valley, when their charters expire. He hoped the amendment of the Senate would be agreed to either in the shape in which it came to the House, or in the modified form as proposed by Mr. Dromgoole.

Mr. Harvie of R. feared that the gentleman from Albemarle had forgotten all the evils likely to flow from winding up the bank, and that the University was about to operate more powerfully than the bank, &c.

Mr. Gordon acknowledged his attachment to the University; but it was an attachment common to many of our most distinguished citizens. He had voted in favor of the postponement of the whole subject. But, if we are to have the banks perpetuated we should insist on making them pay something

Mr. Dromgoole's amendment to the amendment was then negatived. And Mr. Dromgoole offered a further amendment, which proposed to give a different direction to the bonus required of the bank. He was a friend of the University, and would go hand in hand with its friends to put it into operation. But according to the act incorporating the fund for internal improvement, all bonuses from banks, &c. &c. were appropriated to that fund-and he therefore considered it proper that the bonus proposed to be required of the bank should go into that fund.

Mr. Loyall called the attention of the House to the ground which had induced them in the first instance to pass the bill without a bonus. It was acknowledged that the stockholders were in too crippled a condition to pay a bonus. They had met with losses, and were gradually recovering from them, and for this purpose a few more years had been allowed them.

Mr. Blackburn said he had opposed the passage of the bill on the ground of the crippled condition of the bank, as well as other grounds. He did not think it solvent enough to be entitled to the favor asked for it, if there was no objection to it on principle. But he thought the remark of Mr. Loyall cut both ways.

Mr. Watkins of G. said he should vote against the Senate's amendment.

Mr. Dromgoole said he had on a former occasion concluded that the bank had lost of its original capital one third-and he presumed that in 1827 it would commence its new operations with a part, but not its whole capital, and he still insisted on the propriety of paying a bonus.

After some conversation among Messrs. Thompson of F., Rutherford and Armistead, Mr. Dromgoole's proposition was negatived.

Mr. Rutherford then proposed an amendment going to change the proposition from the Senate so as to require a bonus of $20,000 to be paid to the fund of internal improvement, instead of $50,000 to the University.

Mr. Mason of Southampton, attempted by reference to calculations heretofore made by the friends of the bill, to show that of the capital now held by the individual stockholders, deducting losses sustained, and on which it was proposed to impose this bonus, would be about $1,500,000-and contended that the proposed bonus of $20,000 was not a sufficient tax for the privilege of banking for six years. He was either for no bonus, or for one adequate for the purposes of a tax.

The question was then taken, and the House rejected Mr. Rutherford's amendment, and disagreed to the second amendment proposed by the Senate.

The third amendment provided for a meeting of the stockholders, to decide on the propriety of rejecting or accepting the provisions of the bill, and disqualifying proxies from voting at such meeting unless the same be appointed after 31st March next.

Mr. Loyall moved to disagree to this amendment: and after some remarks from Messrs. Dromgoole, Mason of Southampton, and Harvie of R. as to its effects, Mr. Mason of Southampton, proposed to amend the amendment, so as to refer the acceptance or non-acceptance of the act to the next general meeting of the stockholders, instead of a called meeting. By such an amendment, he proposed to leave the subject open for the future consideration of the Legislature, who will then be prepared to act with a knowledge of the views of the stockholders thus to be obtained, and the instructions of the people.

Mr. Loyall remarked that the bill had grown out of a memorial from the stockholders, convened in as great numbers as could be expected to assemble on any future occasion -and that the amendment would defeat the object of their memorial.

Mr. Christian said that the memorial had, he apprehended, been voted for by proxies that had been a long time appointed, and who were not apprised of the wishes of the Stock holders on that particular question, &c.

Mr. Harvie of R. thought it remarkable that gentlemen who had been so much opposed to the bill should be now so tender and careful of the interests of the stockholders. He had every reason to believe that all the stockholders were apprised that the question of renewal would be made, and that their proxies were not only prepared, but were to be safely trusted with the interests of those appointing them.

Mr. Mason said that whatever might be thought of the competency or propriety of the proxies acting on the subject, it seemed that the Senate had not thought so. For his own part he did not think so, and contended it was proper to put the subject into such a form as to enable the legislature to ascertain the voice of the people, which ought to be heard on so important a question.

Mr. Mason's amendment was then rejected, and the House disagreed to the other and last amendment of the Senate. And Mr. Loyall was designated to announce to that body the disagreement on the part of the House of Delegates, to the whole of their amendments, and to announce the passage of several bills,

The following engrossed bills were severally read a third time and passed: 1, authorising the President and Directors of the Snicker's Gap Turnpike company, to alter their road: 2, concerning Christopher Anthony (which was amended by way of rider on motion of Mr. M'Allister;) 3, to amend the several laws concerning the Penitentiary institution; 4, to amend the general laws concerning Pilots, and appointing a Board of Commissioners.

The following Communication was received and laid upon the table:

Council Chamber,

27th February, 1824.

Sir-I have the honor to lay before the General Assembly, the copy of a letter from John A. Grimball, Secretary of State of the State of Mississippi, accompanied by a preamble and certain resolutions adopted by the House of Representatives of the State, approving the policy of the President of the U. States towards foreign nations, as made known in his message to Congress at their present session.

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant,

JAMES PLEASANTS, Jr.

The honorable the Speaker of the House of Delegates

RESOLUTION

Whereas, the President of the United States in his Message to Congress, dated 2d December, 1823, declares to the world, and the Holy Alliance in particular, that, 'The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly. in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers, in matters relating to themselves we have never taken any part nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced, that we resent injuries. or make preparation for our defence. With the movements in this hemisphere, we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the Allied Powers is essentially different, in this respect, from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective Governments. And to the defense of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, the whole nation is devoted. We owe it therefore to candor, and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers, to declare, that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power, we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But with the governments which have declared their independence, and maintained it, and whose independence we have on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling, in any other manner, their destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United States. In the war between those new governments and Spain, we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur which in the judgement of the competent authorities of this government, shall make a corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable to their security.'

And whereas, the people of this state consider that declaration, as speaking a language required by the existing state of things, and ought to be echoed from one extreme of the Union to the other.

Be it therefore Resolved, by the House of Representatives of the state of Mississippi, That this state approves, in the warmest terms, of the foregoing declaration; and that it asks the sound statesmen and the unbending Patriot.

And be it further Resolved, That we will sustain, by every means in our power, the policy avowed by the President in the foregoing declaration; and stand pledged to furnish our full quota of men, treasure and blood, when required. Be it Further Resolved, That the Governor of this state, be requested to forward to the President of the United States one copy of this resolution--and one copy to each of the members of Congress from this state; and to each Governor of the several states of the United States.

COWLES MEAD,

Speaker of the House of Representatives

Jackson, Miss. 27th January, 1824

Secretary of State's Office.

Sir: By direction of the Governor I have the honor, herewith, to transmit to your Excellency, the enclosed Resolution of the House of Representatives of the Legislature of this State.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your

Excellency's obedient servant,

JNO. A. GRIMBALL,

Secretary of State.

His Excellency the Governor of Virginia

The disagreement of the H. of D. to the Senate's amendments to the bill to extend the charter of the Farmers Bank, having been communicated to that body, were immediately acted on by them. We understand the Senate insist on all their amendments. The subject will be again before the H. of D. to-day.

We understand, that, to-morrow, Bishop Moore will deliver a sermon in the Monumental Church, and the Rev. Mr. Hoge, in the Presbyterian Church--for the purpose of obtaining contributions for the aid of the Greeks. It was a source of deep regret to an expectant public, that Mr. Lundy of the H. of D. was prevented by sickness from delivering on the 23d the Oration which he had so kindly and liberally undertaken to pronounce, at the request of the committee.

This day we spread before our readers the official proceedings of the Virginia Caucus. We repeat, that a stronger spirit of conciliation was never displayed among the members-nor a greater prospect of unanimity among the citizens of the state. No counter-ticket is now spoken of- nor do we believe that one will be attempted.

Mr. Crawford had 133 votes the first night, and 12 more on the second. The calculation of his whole force which we made on Tuesday, is probably short of the reality. A letter appears in the Petersburg papers, written by a gentleman in this city on the 22d, which, after stating the immense majority which Mr. C. obtained on Saturday night-- that the night was 'very dark and rainy'--adds, that 'from 15 to 20 members were not in town; and of those in town, who did not attend, it may be safely stated, that at least two-thirds were in favor of Crawford.'--But why dwell longer upon a superiority which no one will now pretend to dispute

The last 'Washington Republican,' slurs over with as much grace as possible, the desertion of Mr. Calhoun in Philadelphia. This movement, (it seems, was wholly unpremeditated and spontaneous'-dictated solely by the necessity of uniting the interests of Calhoun and Jackson in Pennsylvania, in order 'to defeat the success of the caucus scheme.'--But though the W. R. obviously quails under the intelligence, it does not yet abandon the pretensions of Mr. Calhoun. It still holds him up as a candidate -as one of the four 'republican candidates,' viz 'Calhoun, Adams, Jackson and Clay'-whose friends ought to band together against that abominable radical candidate Wm. H. Crawford. The W. R. tells them to bring fairly forward their respective pretensions--but 'at the same time carefully avoid the disparaging the claims of either.' We suppose, they are to be repaid for this forbearance, by venting all their spleen upon Crawford-(four men upon one, is honorable odds, it must be confessed!)-and though they are to treat each other's pretensions. 'fairly,' it is presumed that they may treat Mr. C's. pretensions unfairly. The R. indeed gives us a pretty fair sample of what we are to expect. The unexpected and 'unpremeditated movement' in Philadelphia, seems rather to have inflamed than abated its resentment. It treats Mr. Crawford and its friends with unsparing severity. It hails him as 'the candidate of a miserable faction,'—it terms him 'the candidate of the minority, the candidate who relied on management and intrigue for his political elevation in the absence of every claim upon public gratitude and admiration.'

It has a letter from Philadelphia, painting the caucus as a 'combination formed to swindle the people' out of their rights--Oh! yes; treat the other four candidates as fairly as you please--do not disparage their claims-but as to W. H. C. you may disparage his pretensions with as much indecency and unfairness as possible.--Can Mr. Calhoun's friends think to escape all animadversion, when they are so lavish of their abuse upon W. H. C.?

The beauty of the thing is, Mr. Crawford is termed the 'candidate of the minority.'—And pray, sirs, who is the candidate of the majority? Is it Mr. Calhoun?-or is it General Jackson? Could either of these have got 04 votes -or nearly as many?

The Baltimore Patriot asserts, that from what it 'can gather of public sentiment generally, parties and partizans included, the caucus candidate has ruined his cause by this mode of nomination,' &c. We must breathe indeed a very different atmosphere from the Patriot. There is no despair here. Look at our caucus. His friends here were never so full of sanguine hopes.

If there be any force in the logic of the Boston Patriot- if Mr. Crawford 'cannot be the candidate of the people,'_-and his pretensions are hopeless, because he may be 'supported by less than one-fourth of the whole congress,' (by the bye, very short of the truth) how would Mr. Adams stand by this sort of arithmetic?-he, who could scarcely have obtained half as many votes.

The Franklin Gazette now counts upon 131 votes for Gen. Jackson! What reliance can we place upon the Calculations of a man, who has proved himself so poor a prophet in Mr. Calhoun's case?-As a specimen of his present estimate, he puts down North Carolina to Jackson, and New York too, if her electoral bill passes.

The two long MS. articles we publish to-day prevent our continuing the strictures on the qualifications of General Jackson. They will be resumed in our next.

Mr. Gordon's name was accidentally omitted on last, in mentioning the members of the Legislature who advocated the appointment of P. P. Barbour to a seat on the bench of the C. of Appeals.- Mr. G. supported Mr. B. with great zeal.

Mr. Tatum, who in the Caucus voted for General Jackson as President, declared that he wished to harmonize with the majority. Individually he preferred Gen. Jackson: but would cheerfully surrender that preference, and support the election of him who should be the choice of the meeting.