Alexandria Daily Advertiser

From the Virginia Gazette.

There scarcely appears a single number of the Enquirer with which we are not more or less amused.

In the Enquirer of Friday last, the editor indulges himself in some remarks on the deficiencies of the Virginia legislature --and apologizes for the weakness or the blunders of the members in a severe manner.

"To what cause are we to attribute the want of foresight, and the want of zeal which sometimes characterise the proceedings of the Virginia Legislature?"

Having asked these questions, the Enquirer thus proceeds to state the cause of this want of foresight and of zeal.

"A considerable part of these defects is doubtless to be ascribed to the general habits of the members. Selected as they are every year from the great body of the people, and changing continually from year to year, they must be expected to possess the manners, the political sagacity, and the intellectual energy of their nation. Blessed however as we are with the means of improving the scientific condition of our country, and delighted as we may be with the bright visions of excellence which await us; still we must admit that our physical condition does not as yet enable us to realise these advantages. Our population is too thinly scattered to admit the establishment of many schools in each neighborhood, and our citizens are generally too poor to be able to board their children from home at some distant and enlightened seminary. Even at such schools the attainments of the instructor are not so extensive and the system of education which he pursues is not so energetic as to promise a very rapid improvement to the pupil.

What then is the consequence? Most of our countrymen are debarred from the opportunities of an early instruction, while the progress of the adult is generally arrested by the calls of business or the satisfactions of pleasure. It is certainly no disgrace upon our countrymen to say of them that many of them have been called, like Cincinnatus from the plough, to fill the honorable office of legislator, but it would have reflected much more honor upon them, if like that illustrious Roman they had possessed the means of acquiring the necessary qualifications."

We have two reasons for quoting thus largely: One is, to gratify the reader with the reasons offered for the want of "foresight (or any other sight in many cases) and zeal" of the legislature of the Ancient Dominion; the other is to notice the vicious taste of many writers, who seem extremely solicitous to form a style of writing, but indifferent what manner of sentiments that style may express. The following might be called a well-turned sentence. 'Selected as they are every year from the great body of the people, and changing continually from year to year, they must be expected to possess the manners, the political sagacity, and the intellectual energy of their nation.' Now what is the idea of this sentence? Why this; that coming from the people, they are like the people.

There are many persons who think an say much about a writer's style. How do you like his style? is a question more often asked by many, than what opinion is entertained of the beauty, novelty, force, correctness or utility of his remarks. Milton somewhere prays for "answerable style" to his high matter; the reverse ought to be the incessant prayer of some of our stilt-gaited writers; they should pray for matter answering their high style. If the language and the sentiments correspond, the language cannot be too high; but when they do not correspond, the disagreement is as disgusting as would be the coronation robes of Napoleon on the back of a baboon.

Give me a little of the dust of that narcotic Indian weed, the titillation of which may tingle the papillæ that line the surface of the twin caverns of the nasal promontory: 'Twere as well to ask at once for a pinch of snuff. This is the language for who labours for words. Blest as we are with the soft society of the gentle sex, delightfully enjoying as we sometimes do the pleasurable sweets of their enchanting society through the long happy hours of winter's eve; should the ill-contrived chimney unfortunately refuse to discharge the smoke; or should the unkind mistress of the house be unhappily addicted to by vehement vociferations and frequent disturbing the harmony of social intercourse by fault-finding clamours; the disappointed
The lover would rather prefer undisturbed rest, domestic bliss at home than plagued with a smoky house and scolding woman abroad. This is the labor of arrangement. We have sometimes noticed a certain affectation in style, a use of long words, rather to the Enquirer, though we feel this remark is not intended to apply always. But this is wandering. Mr. Ritchie observes with as much correctness as independence, that most of them are debarred from the opportunity of an early instruction, while the progress of business or the fascinations of pleasure. The adult is generally arrested by the calls of business or the fascinations of pleasure. This is a lamentable truth. The legislators of Virginia come, it seems, much like Cincinnatus as the poor corporal was like Alexander the Great: Philip's great son had one shoulder awry, so had the corporal: but perhaps they differed in other respects as much as the Virginia Cincinnati to stay at home and mind their ploughs instead. Money might thus be saved, and converted to useful purposes by the establishment of schools, the necessary qualifications. Mr. Ritchie instruct these legislators and give them. He says that most of the members when they enter the capitol are ignorant of the principal subjects that are to be brought before them, ignorant of the principal arguments and facts that are necessary to decide them: and that when these subjects are thrown into the shape of bills for their discussion, they are preserved in manuscript; they are seldom seen by any but the draughtsmen, the committee and the most active members of the house; the rest know little about them, except what they may casually glean from the rapid reading of the clerk. What an honest picture; and does it not prove the expediency, equal utility and great economy of keeping most of the Cincinnati at home, and deputising their ploughs to act for them; for, according to Mr. Ritchie's remarks, there is not a penny to choose between the utility of the men and the ploughs, and there are many pence to choose between the expense of keeping and paying the live and the inanimate instruments. The draughtsmen, committee and few active members, can drive the ploughs as they please. We hope this plan of legislative ploughs will be adopted; and some draughtsman be appointed the next session to bring in a bill for the purpose. We doubt not the correctness with which the Enquirer has depicted in a few bold strokes the majority of the Virginia legislature; Pennsylvania and Maryland are in about the same situation, and the causes are the same. Aristocrats, under the name of republicans and friends of the people, have deceived the people at large, and caused them to turn from office and from the legislature the best and the most able characters, to make room for themselves. Such has been the case in this state: such in Pennsylvania, Maryland, and in the United States at large, with respect to national officers and legislators. We admire the ingenuousness with which Mr. Ritchie speaks of the majority of the state legislature. We have said, and we repeat it, that we do not intend to be severe upon the Enquirer, but treat it always with delicacy, till (if such time, which heaven forbid should ever come)—till, we say, there appears to us no hopes of its repentance and consequent reformation. The blunt honesty that here appears leads us to hope that the Enquirer is hereafter to be directed by an independent and truly patriotic spirit. If so, we shall rejoice. The manner in which Mr. Ritchie speaks of the legislators of the state, (and the same may be said of its delegation to congress) has nothing to do with abuse or calumny. The truth can seldom be abuse; nor the necessary exposition of truths can ever be abuse; and what is said of our state Solomons is a necessary exposition of truth. The exposition is necessary for several purposes. It is necessary to let the people at large know what their rulers are, that they may save the dignity and reputation of the legislative body from contempt; and that they may increase the welfare of the state at large, by turning out the unworthy and putting the meritorious in their places. The legislature will ever want dignity, and will ever seek more their own popularity than the public good, until the people at large, throwing aside the improper distinctions of Federalists and Republicans

shall be solicitous only to find and honor with a seat in the legislature, men of capacity, fidelity and virtue. When this will be we know not. The leading Democrats in this state, (and it is so in the states generally) fear nothing more than they fear, strictly speaking, being found out; they fear the people will discover them to be, what in truth they are, aristocrats, ambitious men, fond of power and pelf, who have gained, and who hope to continue their authority, by belving the characters and the views of the federalists generally from General Washington downward: They constantly cry out the necessity of preserving from the wicked claws of the federalists their republican principles and institutions; and they cry out with so much warmth and zeal that, if their views were not well known to be centred in their own aggrandizement, some of the federalists might be deceived. The people are deceived, and that is fully sufficient for them: but having gained a compleat triumph over the federalists, having, as they apprehend, nothing to fear from them, they are now quarreling among themselves for the booty, for the loaves and fishes; and in these quarrels they discover so plainly the views by which they have all along been actuated, that the people are beginning to discover the exact amount of their patriotism, which is next to no amount at all. The federalists and the moderate men of the other party are uniting; we shall all come right again bye and bye: Virginia will exhibit good political examples in a few years. The Robesperian party (such we call the vindictive and violent) will not succeed. Mr. Ritchie recommends that the legislators may know what they are about in future, that the bills should be printed as in congress previous to discussion. We strongly suspect a little republican self-interest in this recommendation. What would the printer for the house get by this business? However, whether self-interested or disinterested, the recommendation is a good one, and ought to be followed, as it respects many of the important bills every session before the legislature. There being so many who have been debarred from the opportunity of early instruction, and not naturally of a capacity to comprehend at a glance all the bearings and views of a bill; there being so many (almost all, according to the Enquirer) who are ignorant of the principal facts and arguments necessary to decide; who know little about them, except what they casually glean from the rapid reading of the clerk, it is certainly a matter of importance that bills should be printed. Such a method would get the legislature into a habit, a very desirable one, of knowing what they are doing.