The National Republican And Ohio Political Register

UNITED STATES' TELEGRAPH
A new Republican Paper at Washington.

JOHN S. MEEHAN, formerly publisher of the Columbian Star, has become the proprietor and Editor of the late Washington City Gazette, the title of which has been changed to that of the "UNITED STATES TELEGRAPH."

We make the following extracts from Mr. Meehan's Editorial address, by which it appears that the U. S. Telegraph will be a staunch advocate for the rights of the people, against the intrigues and encroachments of ambitious demagogues, even if backed by executive influence and patronage. A fearless and independent paper was much wanted at head quarters, and we trust the Editor of the Telegraph will be amply rewarded for his exertions in the cause of republicanism.

In presenting to the community the first number of a new journal, it will, of course, be expected of us to exhibit a general view of the principles by which we intend to be governed in discharging the laborious and responsible duties incident to such an undertaking.

In the fulfilment of this reasonable expectation, we have no hesitation in saying, in common with a decided majority of the American people, that we are not satisfied with the recent course of political events in our country. On the contrary, we are impressed with a deep and deliberate conviction, that, in the election of our present Chief Magistrate, as well as by one of the first organic acts of his administration, the most sacred principles of the Constitution, and the sound dictates of Republican policy, have been openly contemned and violated. That we may be distinctly understood on a point deemed of the utmost importance, we beg leave to recur, for a moment, to the prominent and incontestable facts connected with the election of Mr. Adams to the Presidency.

In the first place, it is susceptible of the most satisfactory proof, that, IF MR. CLAY HAD NOT, BY HIS PERSEVERANCE AS A CANDIDATE FOR THE PRESIDENCY, AGAINST ALL HOPES OF SUCCESS, DISTRACTED AND DIVIDED THE VOTE OF THE WESTERN STATES, THE PEOPLE THEMSELVES WOULD HAVE CHOSEN THE PRESIDENT. Having defeated the popular voice by this selfish persistence in the contest, and thrown the election into the House of Representatives, of which he was a prominent member, with all the influence attached to his situation as presiding officer, every consideration of delicacy and of duty imposed on him the indispensable obligation of fixing on the candidate, who manifestly was the choice of the people, and more especially of the State which he represented. Instead of pursuing this course, dictated by principle, and which alone could have shielded him from the imputation of having designedly sought to defeat a choice by the electors in the first instance, in order to bring the election finally before a tribunal where his personal efforts and influence might decide it to his interest, he pursued a course directly the reverse; and, in disregard of his previous hostilities, his antipathies, and denunciations, exerted the whole force of his influence in favor of a candidate who evidently was not the choice of the people.

These facts are so strong, and the principles of popular sovereignty thus violated so plain, that he who has profited by their violation could not conceal, in his letter of acceptance, that he felt the force of their truth. But 'evil naturally begets evil;' and we see, in this case, that the violation of principle, dangerous as it was, has only commenced a series of events which, if not successfully resisted, must end in the destruction of our liberty. At the head of this series stands a precedent of most dangerous tendency. We mean the appointment to the first office in the gift of the President, him, not only by whose means the will of the people was defeated, but by whom the power was conferred to reward the deed; presenting an example which, without impugning the motives of either party, will, in all future elections by the House of Representatives, be found sufficiently broad to cover acts of the most injurious POLITICAL BARGAIN AND SALE.

The Constitution expressly prohibits a member of Congress, during the time for which he was elected, from being appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased, during such time.' The reasons are, in our opinion, much stronger, which FORBID HIM TO ACCEPT AN APPOINTMENT FROM THE MAN WHOM, BY A VIOLATION OF PRINCIPLE IN HIS REPRESENTATIVE CAPACITY, HE HAD ELEVATED TO THE PRESIDENCY.

One of the deplorable consequences of placing a man at the head of the nation in opposition to the popular voice, is, that it compels him, by a kind of political necessity, to dispense the patronage of the government, not with a view to the public service, but to perpetuate his own power, independently of the will of the people. That Mr. Adams has felt and yielded to this necessity, no one can doubt, who looks at the materials out of which his appointments have been made. It will there be seen, that all the leading offices have been filled with the exclusive view of conciliating particular parties and particular sections of the country. Without entering into detail, it may be remarked, that his patronage has been bestowed not on those who had been the supporters of the policy which he himself avowed, but where he believed it would operate to the best advantage, by converting political enemies into partizans. When, to these indications of the purpose to which executive power is to be abused, we add the recommendation in the opening message of measures which, adopted, must be followed by an extraordinary increase of officers, we confess we do feel an alarming apprehension that the patronage of the government is to be made the instrument of overruling the popular voice, by seducing, throughout the republic, the leading men of different parties. It seems to us that the issue is fairly made between the POWER OF PATRONAGE and the POWER OF THE PEOPLE, and in this contest it shall be our pride to vindicate the genuine principles maintained by the old Democratic party.

With this view we shall advocate, to the full extent of our abilities, such an amendment of the Constitution as may deprive the House of Representatives of an agency in the election of the President, and vest that important right where alone it can be placed with safety—IN THE HANDS OF THE PEOPLE. With the same view we shall be the steady advocate of all such measures as, without impairing the essential energies of the government, will tend to diminish the power of executive patronage, by regulating its dispensation, as far as possible, upon fixed principles.