The Eaton Democrat

property when the juries are packed and controlled by the Government for despotic and partisan purposes. That under the Federal jury laws, now in existence, juries may be, and have been so packed and controlled; and that the highest interests of justice and free government require that these laws be changed so as to secure fair impartial and independent juries in the Federal Courts.

Resolved, That the Republican minority in Congress, by refusing to vote supplies to maintain the Government, unless the majority would agree to the use of troops at the polls, and also to the maintenance of the unconstitutional corrupting, violent and unjust election laws aforesaid, and the President of the United States by his unprecedented use of the veto power, in order to perpetuate said laws, and the use of armed men at the polls have shown a spirit of faction and a devotion to party success instead of the welfare of the country and the preservation of its constitution and liberties, that demand the condemnation of the whole American people.

Resolved, That President Hayes, by his frequent interposition of the veto, in order to defeat legislation that was plainly constitutional, that in no way interfered with the independence of any other department of the Government, and had received the most mature consideration of Congress, has shown an utter disregard of the considerations and principles that induced the insertion of the veto power in the constitution and a like disregard of the wishes and welfare of the people.

Resolved, That we declare it as the sense of the Democracy of Ohio, that not a dollar should be appropriated by Congress to pay soldiers, marshals, deputy marshals, or supervisors of election, to interfere with or control elections.

Resolved, That the efforts of the Republican party to open and keep alive the war feeling to be condemned by every lover of his country and the North and South are principles heretofore advocated by the Democratic party Ohio; that the issue of money in any form, and the regulation the alone and ht not to be delegated or entrusted to individuals or corporations; that we therefore oppose the perpetuation of the present National banking system as a means of control over the currency of the country, and demand the gradual substitution of Treasury notes for National bank currency to be made receivable for all dues. and a legal tender equally with coin—such government issues to be regulated upon principles established by legislation or organic law, so as to secure the greatest possible stability of value.

Resolved, That after changing the valuation of all property from the scale of paper money by which the heavy burden of debts now resting upon the people, were created to the former level of gold and silver the change then made in the metallic standard itself, by the demonetization of silver is a monstrous fraud upon the people, cunningly devised in the interest of the holders of bonds, that should be condemned as in violation of every principle of honest dealings, and a covert assault upon the fundamental rights of property, and we therefore demand the full restoration of silver to its original place as a money metal, the same as gold.

Resolved, That the rapid increase of the interest-bearing debt of the government. under the present administration, ought to excite the serious apprehension of the people. We demand that the further increase in the bonded debt, in time of peace, be stopped and it be put in process of extinction.

Resolved, That the attack made upon the State Legislature in the Republican platform is wholly undeserved, and that the Legislature in the arduous work of codifying the laws of the State and in the reduction of fees and salaries of county officers and the passage of a law to protect the ballot and prevent bribery at elections, deserves the commendation of the people of the State.

Resolved, That it is the duty of our Government to maintain to its fullest extent the doctrine that a man may, in good faith, change his habitation and become a citizen of any other country. We should protect, in every part of the world, all our naturalized citizens as we would our native born; and should resist all improper claims upon them by Governments to which they no longer owe allegiance. We demand that existing treaties with all foreign Governments be rigidly enforced, and that early steps be taken to obtain from the German Empire, a fuller recognition of the right of expatriation and of the right of our naturalized citizens returning, or having property there, by a modification of the treaty existing between us.

The resolutions were read in a clear distinct tone and were listened to with the utmost attention showing that they were a matter of unusually serious consideration to the Convention. At frequent intervals the resolutions were greeted with great warmth of applause, and were finally adopted.

THEY REFUSE TO ADJOURN, BUT TAKE A RECESS UNTIL AFTER THE ELECTION.

This closed the actual business of the convention, and a delegate moved that it stand adjourned. The motion was put and lost by the Chair, but everybody left all the same. The Convention has not been adjourned, and will not be until the election. It will not assemble again, but the delegates will individually vote and act for the success of the ticket they had just finished making until it is sworn into office.

The Ratification Meeting.

At about half-past eight o'clock an immense throng of people, numbering probably 5,000, assembled at the west front of the State House to ratify the glorious work of the day. They went without the glaring instruction of a brass band, and it was a pure matter of rejoicing.

The speakers occupied the raised flights at the end of the steps, and in the still night air they could be heard clear to the street. They were introduced by Allen O. Myers.

The speeches were all of a most happy temperament and excited the warmest enthusiasm of their auditors. The following gentlemen delivered addresses: Hon. A. J. Warner, author of the famous Warner Silver bill; Dr. James A. Norton; Col. W. L. Brown, the editor, orator and soldier; Gov. Uhl, who made the famous canvass with Senator Thurman as candidate for the second place on the ticket; Representative Booth, of Franklin; Senator Lord; Hon. G. W. Houck, of Dayton; Hon. Joseph M. Poe, the champion of the taxpayers of the State, and G. W. Scott, of Bellaire. This latter gentleman is the foreman in a large rail factory, and is the recognized leader of the Nationals in Belmont county. He received over seven hundred votes as candidate for Representative in Belmont county two years ago. He made an eloquent speech in favor of Ewing. He said that he had been a working man all his life and came to the State National Convention in favor of Ewing and coalition, and was driven out of that Convention which had refused to endorse the greatest representative of the greenback theory in the country and who understood the principles of that party better than all the men in it. His speech created a great sensation, and was very well received and loudly applauded.

At a late hour the meeting was brought to a close, and all who were present retired realizing the great cause for rejoicing the Democracy of Ohio have in its unapproachable ticket.

General Ewing.

No better sketch of the gallant Democratic candidate for Governor has been or can be written than appeared in the Washington Post and is republished below:

For the next three or four months, at least the names of Gens. Ewing and Rice will be more prominently before the people of the United States than those of any other statesmen of the Democratic party. By general consent the Ohio canvass of this summer is assumed to have a direct and important bearing upon the Presidential contest of 1880. Whether its significance in this respect is overestimated or otherwise, it is certain that the great National issues which now divide parties in Congress are to be presented to the voters of Ohio, for their verdict, and that the advocates of Democratic principles, in all parts of the Union, will regard Ewing and Rice as the representatives and champions of honest juries, free and fair elections, and the subordination of the military to the civil power.

There are a few illustrious names among the public men of every country, which no one can think of singly. If we were to mention the name of Adams or Bayard. memory at once throws open the vista of buried years, the Adamses and Bayards of the past re-appear, and we are soon lost in Prior to this, in 1856, Mr. Ewing was married to a daughter of the Rev. William Cox, of Ohio, a distinguished minister of the Presbyterian church, in which faith his children have been reared.

Gen. Ewing first appears in the history of the war of the rebellion as the colonel of the Eleventh regiment of Kansas volunteer infantry, recruited and organized by him in the autumn of 1862. He led his command gallantly in several engagements soon after it entered the field, and was promoted to be a brigadier-general on the 11th of March, 1863. He was soon assigned to the command of the district of the border, comprising the State of Kansas and the western portion of Missouri, in which position he won the approval of his superiors at Washington. We have not space for a detailed account of Gen. Ewing's military services. Among the most important was that stubborn and sanguinary conflict at Pilot Knob, on the 27th of September, 1864, in which he achieved a brilliant victory at the sacrifice of one-fourth of his available force. From the beginning to the end of his service in the Union army Gen. Ewing was popular with his subordinates and respected by his superiors. He attained the rank of brevet major-general, and would have been made a full major-general had not the redundant list been so filled that scarcely any degree of merit could insure further admissions.

Since the war Gen. Ewing has been conspicuous in Ohio and in National politics. He was a member of the Ohio Constitutional Convention of 1873-74, where his legal attainments and oratorical powers gave him deserved prominence. As a member of the Democratic majority in the Forty-fifth Congress, he gallantly led the movement for the remonetization of silver. and splendidly fulfilled the predictions of his friends by the zeal and ability with which he championed the cause of the masses, against the exactions of the power which had dominated Congress for many years.

A ripe scholar, a ready and graceful speaker, an expert parliamentarian, Gen. Ewing is admirably calculated for the position of a great popular leader. Being yet in vigorous middle life, in the enjoyment of vigorous health, and possessing a personal magnetism that irresistibly attracts and firmly holds the kindly feelings of the masses, he is in all respects a fitting leader for the contest now beginning in Ohio, and which, we firmly believe, will result in his triumphant election to the chief magistracy of that State.

AMERICUS V. RICE.

Gen. Americus V. Rice is the son of an old-fashioned Democrat, and from that political "faith he has never departed. He was born in Ashland county, Ohio, in 1835, and is therefore in his forty-fourth year. The family removed to Putnam county while the General was but a child, and his father soon became a leading citizen of that part of the State. He was a man of inflexible integrity, of exceptional business capacity, and was universally respected. Young Rice attended the public schools, and subsequently entered Antioch college, but finished his collegiate course at Union college, in New-Gen. Rice did not leave the service until the last gun had been fired, and the peace for which he had fought so long and so well had fallen upon the long distracted country. He came back to his home on crutches, wearing a star on his shoulder that had been earned by as faithful service as any man ever rendered to his country. He had entered the war as a Democrat. He found no reason to waver in his political faith while the strife was raging, and on his return to private life he engaged in the Democratic duty of restoring fraternal relations between the discordant sections, of bringing back the Government to its normal condition; of placing the civil power again in the ascendency. He recognized in the restoration of the lately rebellious States to their allegiance to the old flag the fruition of the hopes that inspired him and his comrades in their long and arduous campaigns. He could not be made to believe that the war had not ended, and ended finally and forever.

Gen. Rice was elected to the Forty-fourth and the Forty-fifth Congresses, in both of which he labored incessantly to promote kindly feelings between the North and South. He was the firm, unfailing friend of the soldiers, and spared no effort to promote their interest. As a member of the Committee on Pensions in the Forty-fourth and chairman of that committee in the Forty-fifth Congress, he gave his time and his thoughts to the duties of his position with a spirit of devotion too seldom seen. He was the originator of the Arrears of Pensions bill, and it is to his efforts mainly that the soldiers are indebted for the benefit of that act. Under all circumstances, and at all times, Gen. Rice was true to the interests of every soldier who had any claim upon the justice or generosity of the Government. In accepting the second place upon the Ohio Democratic ticket, Gen. Rice demonstrates his devotion to the principles of his party. He would honor any office in the State.

CHARLES REEMELIN.

The father of the candidate for Auditor of State, was a wholesale grocery merchant. The name is written in German Ruemelin. The family came originally from the province in European, Turkey—Rumelia— some seven centuries ago. They were always well-to-do people.

Charles Reemelin was born in Heilbron, Kingdom of Wurtemberg, May 19th, 1814. He attended the excellent schools of his native city and received a thorough classical education. His father's house was formerly a Catholic convent. His schooling was had in the Franciscan convent, and these surroundings made a deep impression on his mind: for he never could be made to believe in the perpetuity of human institutions, for the impressions as to constant changes in governments were constantly before him.

His mother's death, in 1824, brought him into a boarding-school in the town in which Schiller was born, where his classic studies were perfected. Destined by his grandmother's wish for the ministry, he had to abandon this plan on account of ill health, and was in 1828 placed as apprentice in his father's business.

He received his late education at intervals in a University, and coming to this country was one of the very few emigrants who could speak, or had any knowledge of the English language. He had read Walter Scott's novels, "Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations," and "McCulloch's Political Economy," and was a confirmed free trader when he left Germany.

In the fall of 1831, he took a situation offered him by a commercial house in Wimpfen, situated on the river Neckar; whose trade consisted largely of smuggling across the frontier. As a free trader he looked upon this business as a legitimate reaction against protective tariffs and unjust taxation and excises.

The wish for America revived in 1832 with new force through the reading of Dundee's work on the United States, and his father now yielded his consent. He left Germany in April, 1832, and arrived in Philadelphia August 24th, the same year. The voyage across the ocean took 85 days. He was appointed supercargo, when the regular officer of that title was washed overboard. And he might have retained the situation, if his passion for living in America had not been too strong to allow him to become a mariner.

In Philadelphia, after trying several occupations in vain, he was finally engaged in a grocery store at $6 per week and board. His employer was an Irishman from Cork, and Mr. R. has retained for him and the Irish generally a warm feeling; for aside from their kindnesses to him. he looked upon the Irish and their country as despoiled similar to his native city, and thought they should have been left free.

After remaining one year in Philadelphia, the old desire for the West of America seized him, and he left with the intention of going to St. Louis. On arriving in Cincinnati, the river was so extremely low, that navigation was suspended. The cholera was also raging terribly, for of one hundred and twenty-two passengers that left Pittsburgh with him on the steamer Allegheny, thirty-seven had died. So he had to stop at Cincinnati. He arrived on the evening of the day, preceding the night when Driftwood Johnson fell down Kilgour and Taylor's hatchway; and when his long continued robberies were thus brought to light.

After long efforts to get employment he was at last engaged by T. B. & H. B. Coffin, grocers, again at six dollars per month. At the end of a year he became their partner in a branch business an Fifth street. This partnership was a success. He made for them some $5,000 and some $4,000 for himself, and then started the business on his own account and continued to prosper.

Mr. R. left Philadelphia a devoted Jackson Democrat, an opponent of paper money and banks, and a passionate free trader; he was also full of the liberal and free ideas of the age. He continued in this line of politics, though his employers respectively. partners in Cincinnati, were Whigs. But he could never sanction the proslavery proclivities of his party and became one of the first subscribers to the Philanthropist, a paper whose press was thrown into the Ohio river in 1834. He used to say to his fellow-Democrats, when upbraided by them, "Treat me as a heretic, for I have a vein of heresy in me that will not allow me to be orthodox in anything." And so they did and he was unmolested in his abolitionism. But it must be mentioned that the first rule of the anti-slavery men then was, that slavery should be abolished only by the action of the States.

In 1834 Mr. R. became one of the founders of the still existing German Society of Cincinnati.

In 1836 he was the principal mover for the establishment of the Volksblatt. He made many speeches for the Democrats in Hamilton, Dayton, Lawrenceburg, Indianapolis and Cincinnati. His oration (in German) on the Fourth of July in the same year gave him fame as a speaker.

In 1840 he was active in the Van Buren-Harrison Campaign against Harrison, though personally friendly with the General, who had indeed taken his oath Of allegiance as a Clerk of Court of Common Pleas, and had been a good customer at his store. "Principles not men" was his motto. Mr. Rice was in this same year proposed for the Legislature but declined in favor of the old German Pioneer, Myers.

In 1841 Mr. R. was nominated and elected to the House of Representatives of Ohio. He served in the sessions 1844-45 and 1845-46. He was then elected to the Senate and served until 1848 when in pursuance of an understanding had among the retiring Senators, he declined a renomination. It was a well meant act, but a mistake. He had given the key note against the then meditated political division of Hamilton county, and he should have remained in the Senate during the session in 1848-49: for there he was needed.

In 1850 he was elected to the Constitutional Convention. The published debates show that he was both an earnest and active member.

As a legislator he announced, in 1845-6, the principles on taxation which science has since adopted, viz: that all one-sided, single-object taxation, be it per capita, on property, income or consumption, always ended in oppression, and particularly so in Republics with universal suffrage.

His reports on bank taxation, on German printing, etc., were extensively published, the latter in Germany.

In 1852 Mr. R. was a candidate for Congress, but was defeated. He declined to be a candidate for nomination, before a convention in which a few men had forestalled the results, and then went before the people and defeated every candidate that was a member of the cabal. In October of the same year the party was in a minority of over 1,000; but in November, by the exertions of Mr. R., Pierce received over 4,000 majority in the same Hamilton county.

Mr. R. was an ardent opponent of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise.

In 1854-5 the Auditor and Secretary of State, appointed him Bank Commissioner. His report to the Legislature is replete with valuable information.

In 1856 he supported Fremont for President, believing him to be a true Democrat. In 1857 he voted for Medill for Governor. but Chase proved to be the successful candidate.

In 1856 Chase appointed Mr. R., Commissioner of the Reform School. He visited Europe, at his own expense; and brought back plans for a Reform Farm, which the General Assembly approved. They were carried out in the Reform Farm at Lancaster, under Mr. R.'s supervision.

The failure of the Trust Company, and the Bliss-Gibson and Breslin Treasury defalcation, compelled the calling of an Investigation Committee, and as members of it, Morgan, Edgerton and Reemelin were chosen by the Legislature. Mr. R. did a full share of the work, and he asked Gov. Chase early to relieve him from a part of his duties, as to the State Reform Farm: He suggested to the Governor, that by making him an assistant commissioner in lieu of being the acting one, this could be done. Chase delayed for reasons not necessary to be stated here, and finally Mr. R. declined preemptorily and relinquished 600 of his salary as Reform School Commissioner, because he did not want to receive double pay.

The man whom Mr. R. had recommended for acting Commissioner was overlooked, a second-rate one appointed, and Mr. R. was left out entirely. And thus the institution has never been perfected according to the original plan.

In the report on the investigation as above, Mr. R. promulgated a rule of action as to public improvements, which several political scientists have now accepted; viz: that the transportation on roads must not be subjected to more than cost at current repairs and maintenance or else they are not the Public Works as they should be; for they would then oppress instead of promoting trade. He contended that the first cost of building schools, roads and similar public establishments must be treated as public expense and not as investments for earning interest.

In 1860 Mr. R. was the Senatorial elector on the Breckinridge ticket. He stumped 49 counties of the State at his own expense. After the election he wrote for a committee an address to the South, warning them against arbitrary secession.

When the war came he cast every vote against it, but he never joined in any of the secret movements or conspiracies. When upbraided by war Democrats for voting and voting against the war he said:

"As long as there are elections, I will vote my convictions. As I believe that we would have had no war, if we had statesmen instead of partisan politicians at the head of our public affairs, I must keep testifying against it. Why will you keep up elections, if voting our ideas is to be denounced as wrong?"

Mr. R. supported Gen. McClellan in 1864 and Gov. Seymour in 1868. In 1872 he voted for Charles O'Connor. He kept aloof from the Democratic party on the Resumption question. He had said, in 1841, "It is always wrong to suspend, and always right to resume," and those who know Mr. R. need not be told, that a principle once adopted, means with him life conviction. He adhered in 1876-78 to what he had announced in 1841, and condemned of course the whole series of pretended finance that began by forced laws in 1862, and ended in a wild mass of pecuniary blunders in sham resumption.

He also looked through the trickery in Sherman's pretended reforms, and exposed it unsparingly in various articles written for the press. He stands to-day on the Democratic platform, and demands that the National Banking system shall be reformed and that whatever paper money we may have, shall be issued upon terms free to all, subject to the lawful supervision of the respective public authorities.

How far seeing Mr. R. was may be seen by referring to volume II, pp. 40 to 112 of the Debates of the Ohio Constitutional Convention, in which it will be found stated. that "The power over the currency rests in the general government." He believes so to-day but does not think that that includes forced loans. These he regards as unwise and false in principle.

The charge of inconsistency being lately made against Mr. R. he replied laughingly: "You mean persistency? Have I not ever followed principle?"

Mr. R. was appointed Mining Commissioner by Governor Hayes, but his report and the law framed by him were not adopted by the General Assembly, although its provisions are to-day enforced in Germany and France and work beneficially.

Mr. R. has revisited his native land six times and has kept up social and political intercourse with his relatives and numerous literary men. On his last visit, 1873-4, he attended the lectures of the Universities of His published treatise on the science of politics shows that he is not afraid of the adage: "O, that mine enemy would write a book!" He paid for the publication himself and distributed it gratis. Mr. R. has also written "The Vinedressers' Manual," and was well received but moderately remunerated.

He has now ready for the press, "A Critical Review of American Politics," a work of some 800 pages.

Since 1841 he has resided on a farm and been a worker thereon in every legitimate sense of the word. His contributions to the Agricultural State Reports, especially that on "The Climate of Ohio," have permanent value. The State Reports on Railroads and Statistics, as well as Schools, contained also, frequently, papers from Mr. R.'s pen.

We have thus taken him from boyhood through life, and have shown him as a scholar, a merchant, immigrant, writer, politician, farmer, ever learning, ever working.

His unanimous nomination for Auditor of State by the late Democratic convention was unsought, and indeed a surprise to him.

When asked the sum total of his life. Mr. R. replied, "I think I have been on the whole, a useful man, but more useful to others than myself."

ANTHONY HOWELLS.

The candidate for Treasurer of State was born April 6, 1832, at Dowlais, Glamorganshire, South Wales. His father was a minor boss, and the boy spent most of his time in the mines, availing himself of such schooling as he could pick up at intervals. Young Howells removed to America in 1850, and settled at Youngstown, Mahoning County, O. He began life in the new country by laboring as a miner in the coal mines of Gov. Tod. In 1853 he spent a year working off the gold fever in California, and returning to Youngstown, he embarked in the grocery business in 1856, and was actively engaged in the mercantile business until 1869. In 1866 he was nominated by the Democrats of Mahoning County for Treasurer, and notwithstanding the county was then strongly Republican he was only defeated by an hundred votes. In 1869 he was the Democratic candidate for State Senator in the 23d District, composed of the counties of Mahoning and Trumbull. He ran five hundred votes ahead of his ticket, but the district being Republican by a large majority, he was of course defeated. He retired from the mercantile business in 1869, and became largely interested in coal mines in the Massillon district. In 1873 he became general manager of the Volcano Furnace at Massillon, and in 1875 he was made the general manager of the Massillon Pigeon Vein Coal Company's Mines. In 1877 he was nominated by the Democratic State Convention for State Treasurer, and was elected over the Republican candidate, Col. J. M. Milligan, by 20,000 plurality. Mr. Howells has been a Democrat since he became a citizen in 1856. As Treasurer of State, he has made one of the most faithful public servants that ever held the office.

WILLIAM J. GILMORE.

William J. Gilmore, candidate for Supreme Judge, is the son of a physician and was born in Liberty, Bedford county, Virginia, April 24, 1821. He came with his parents to Preble county, Ohio, in 1825, and settled in the then wooded country. He graduated with credit in the lower branches and afterward in the higher branches at Hopewell Academy. After this he worked on a farm till he was of age. He taught school successfully for a year; clerked for a country merchant for a while, and in 1844 commenced the study of law with Thomas Millikin, at Hamilton, Ohio, but completed his preparatory course with J. S. & A. J. Hawkins, of Eaton, Ohio. He was examined for admission to the bar by a committee, consisting of Messrs. Andrews, Swayne and Perry, of Columbus, and was admitted to practice in the Supreme Court in 1847. He commenced practice in the same year, in partnership with Col. Moore, at Hamilton. This partnership continued one year, when he went to Eaton, and opened an office in his own name, and at once obtained a fair practice. In 1847 he was married to Miss Rossman, of Eaton, Ohio. In 1850 he became the partner of the Hon. J. S. Hawkins, which relation continued till the death of the latter in 1852. He continued in a lucrative practice until 1857. In 1851 he was elected Prosecuting Attorney of Preble county, by a majority of about four hundred, he being a Democrat, and the Whig majority in the county being about eight hundred. He was re-elected to the office in 1853. In 1857 he was elected a Judge of the Court of Common Pleas, for the Second Judicial District, to fill the unexpired term of Judge Clark, which expired in 1862. He was not a candidate for re-election in 1861, but was a candidate and re-elected to the same office in 1866 and 1871, and elected at both elections by a large majority. In 1872 he was elected Judge of the Supreme Court of this State, on the Democratic ticket, by a majority of 15,955. He has served the people in this capacity with distinguished ability and general acceptability. He has two sons—Jackson H., who graduated at Miami University, and in the law department of Virginia University, and Clement R., who is a student at Wooster University.

Our candidate for Attorney General is the present incumbent, Isaiah Pillars, who was born March 17, 1833, in Jefferson county, Ohio. He attended college at Heidelberg, in Tiffin, O., studied law with his brother Judge James Pillars, and was admitted to the bar in 1854. The year of his admission he was a candidate for Prosecuting Attorney in Seneca county, on the Free-soil ticket. At the outbreak of the war he was commissioned a Colonel by Gov. Tod, and was placed in command of Camp Lima. Owing to the arbitrary arrests and the violation of constitutional rights by the military authorities, he became a Democrat in 1864. In 1866 he was elected Prosecuting Attorney of Allen county on the Democratic ticket. In 1868 he was nominated for Presidential Elector on the Democratic ticket. In 1871 he was elected to the Legislature from Allen county, and distinguished himself by his able advocacy of a bill to abolish capital punishment. He served one term in the Legislature, declining a re-nomination. In 1877 he was elected Attorney General of Ohio, on the Democratic ticket, defeating the Republican candidate, Hon. Geo. K. Nash, by 18,000 plurality.

PATRICK O'MARAH.

As his name indicates, the candidate of the Democratic party for Board of Public Works, is in blood and sympathy, Irish. But while he has always taken a deep and earnest interest in all that concerns that misguided but noble people, his record as an American citizen shows that he yields to no man in patriotic devotion to the flag and affection for his country. Both his parents were born in Ireland. During his early childhood they were residing in Brooklyn, N. Y., whence they removed in 1836 to Chicago, Ills., finally settling at Lockport, Will county, thirty miles south of Chicago, where he resided until the close of the late war.

He was educated in the Public Schools and at St. Mary's of the Lakes, Chicago. At the breaking out of the war he assisted in recruiting and organizing the Ninetieth Illinois, better known as the Irish Legion of Chicago. Leaving a good business and a large family he enlisted as a private, was promoted to Captain and commanded the regiment as acting Colonel in some of the hardest fought and most memorable engagements of the war. As will be seen from the testimonials appended to this sketch, his war record was brilliant and highly meritorious. At the close of the war Col. O'Marah moved to Cleveland, where he has since resided. In 1874 he was complimented by Gov. William Allen with an appointment as Quartermaster General of the State. A firm and unflinching Democrat, Gen. O'Marah has never sought an office, this being his first appearance on any ticket. But he has always been an untiring worker at the polls, serving on the Cuyahoga county committee as Chairman and otherwise for a number of years. The General has certainly performed his share of service for a common country, risking life and fortune in the dark days when men's perseverance, endurance and courage were put to the test, and when the Union hung in the balance. Aside from the record indicated in the following testimonials, the General's war history is that of the Irish Legion of Chicago, than which no braver regiment ever shouldered musket or charged bayonet:

Headquarters Department of the Tennessee, Holly Springs, Miss., January 8th, 1863.

General Orders No. 4.—The Major General commanding the Department takes just pride and satisfaction in congratulating the small garrisons of the posts of Coldwater, Davis Mills and Middlebury for the heroic defence of their positions on the 20th, 21st and 24th ultimo, and their successful repulse of an enemy many times their number.

The 90th Illinois at Coldwater (its first engagement), the detachment of the veteran 25th Indiana, and two companies of the 5th Ohio Cavalry, at Davis' Mills, and the detachment of the gallant 12th Michigan, at Middlebury, are deserving of the thanks of the army, which was in a measure dependent upon the road they so nobly defended, for supplies, and they will receive the meed of praise ever awarded by a grateful public to those who bravely and successfully do their duty.

These regiments are entitled to inscribe upon their banners respectively: Coldwater, Davis Mills and Middlebury, with the names of other battlefields made victorious by their valor and discipline.

It is gratifying to know that at every point where our troops made a stand during the late raid of the enemy's cavalry, success followed and the enemy was made to suffer a loss in killed and wounded greater than the entire garrisons of the places attacked. Especially was this the case at Davis Mills and Middlebury.

By order of Major General U.S. Grant.

Headquarters 1st Brigade, 4th Div., 15th A. C. Scottsboro, Ala., March 5th, 1865.

Capt. P. O'Marah, 90th Ills.

Dear Sir—I cannot permit you to leave my command without an expression of my feelings concerning your conduct while serving with me. Your fidelity and zeal in the discharge of your duties, and patient endurance of "suffering" and fatigue, have often been noticed and highly commended. But more especially would I refer to your well known bravery—the spirit and force with which you repulsed and drove the enemy attacking our army advancing upon Jackson, Miss.; and the heroic courage and endurance exhibited by you in the late sanguinary battle of Mission Ridge.

I am not only deeply indebted to you for your persevering efforts in behalf of the wounded, whereby your suffering and disabled Colonel was rescued and relieved.

I have the honor to be, Captain, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

John Mason Loomis, Col. 90th Ills. Commanding Brigade.

Col. O'Marah of 90th Regiment:

Dear Sir—I desire to commend you and the gallant regiment you command for your patience and good conduct and heroism exhibited in the advance upon Jackson, Miss. Men that will march in their bare feet and fight as bravely as the officers and men of the 90th have done, cannot be too highly praised. Accept my warmest thanks, and tender them to your command. Yours truly,

W. S. Smith, Brig. Gen. commanding 1st Division.

July 20, 1864.

Lancaster, O., July 1, 1879.

To Gen. P. O'Marah, Cleveland, Ohio:

General:—It gives me pleasure to recall the deeds of yourself and gallant relative, and of the splendid 90th Illinois, that you successively commanded at Mission Ridge. Better and braver officers and men never moved into battle, and being in, never behaved with greater dash, gallantry and efficiency.

To your relative, who commanded that glorious legion, and fell early in the battle, Illinois should erect a monument. She never sent out a more devoted soldier.

To yourself who fought the troops on through the day, and continued splendidly to command them through the pursuit of Bragg, and over the blood-stained, frozen road to the relief of Knoxville, the citizens of Ohio should show their appreciation as to one who has fought the good fight; and our comrades, who helped us to bear the heat and burden of those days, should give you the hand of fellowship in October. I will give you mine.

Truly your friend,

Hugh Ewing.

General Ewing commanded the Division that the 90th Illinois was in, and was an eye witness to what he relates above.

Gen. Ewing remarks that he is not making alliances with anybody. He intends to carry Ohio, as the candidate of the people of Ohio.

Schade, the defender of Wirz, the Andersonville prison keeper, avows himself the warm personal friend of Foster, and calls General Ewing a "demon," because of his war record. The Republicans are no doubt proud of the support of Mr. Schade.

A Congressional Committee is now sitting in Cincinnati, to investigate the manner in which the last Congressional elections were conducted. The Cincinnati Congressman, with the oleaginous name, will now have an opportunity to explain what was in the valise that he hauled around over the city on election day.

At first Republican journals, one and all, predicted that the Ohio Democracy would have a poor show for victory, as the Eastern hard-money wing would afford them no assistance. Now they are positive General Ewing and the balance of the ticket will be defeated because Samuel J. Tilden, they inform us, and other Eastern Democrats of means have concluded to contribute to the campaign fund. Those Radicals will have us defeated at all events.

General Ewing's Speech at the Ratification Meeting.

On the evening of June 26th a ratification was held at the west front of the State House in Columbus. An enormous crowd, much larger than that at the Foster meeting, gathered at an early hour. Senator Irvine Dungan held the people for a few moments previous to Gen. Ewing's appearance at half-past eight. The latter was greeted with prolonged applause, and being introduced by Judge J. H. Anderson, of Columbus, spoke as follows:

SPEECH OF GENERAL EWING.

Fellow-Citizens: I thank you for this most cordial welcome to Columbus. My friend Amos Townsend, of Cleveland, was so generous as to pair with me for two days, and this gives me an opportunity to meet the State Central Committee here, and the nominees of the Democratic State ticket, and to advise with them as to the organization of the political campaign.

I do not respond to your call to-night with any purpose to elaborately state or expound the issues between the political parties of Ohio. The Democratic platform needs no interpreter. It defines the issues presented by our party in plain English, without evasion or equivocation. No man, whatever his position on the ticket or in the party, has a right when speaking in its name to add a word to or subtract a word from that platform. It may go too far on the money question to please some Democrats; it may fall short of the views of others; but it is the deliberate exposition of the issues of this campaign on which the Democracy of Ohio have chosen to ask the endorsement of the people. It declares for the Democratic idea of local self-government which is part of the warp and woof of the Constitution, and for a financial policy demanded alike by the interests and the convictions of a vast majority of the American people.

Not only are these issues of transcendent importance, but the decision of the people of Ohio upon them will be of controlling effect.

The fight this year is a fight for position in the great battle of 1880. The forces on each side are so evenly balanced that whichever party secures Ohio has a point of advantage which will probably turn the tide of battle in its favor.

The Republican party emerged from that war amid the plaudits of a vast majority of the people of the North. But with Lincoln's assassination and Johnson's political murder it lost popular leadership, and fell into the hands and under the control—not of the men who bore the heat and burden of the war—but of money aristocracy which grew and fattened on their sacrifices. It turned its back to the soldiers and its face to the bondholders. It confiscated the interests of the masses, and piled mountain high the fortunes of a favored few. Fearing to submit its finance measures to the judgment of the people, it enacted them in secret shunned the popular discussion of them and blinded the people with passion and prejudice on false issues invented to deceive them. Ten years have passed since all the constitutional amendments, and all the legislation adopted or proposed by Republican party to secure the results of the war, have been inscribed on our statute books, administered by our Courts, and acquiesced in by the whole people. But sectional distrust, prejudice and passion are still kept alive by that party—not for your good, fellow-citizens—not for the security of the toiling millions, black or white, North or South, but solely for party advantage. The Republican party has thus become the foe of that restored, harmonious and prosperous Union for which the best blood of the North was shed. It has become the enemy of civil order, the promoter of discord, the obstacle to fraternal union.

For thirteen years past it has so managed our debt, currency and revenue as to lift the burdens of Government from the shoulders of the rich and lay them on the shoulders of the industrial classes; to double the wealth of the holders of money securities, and double the burdens of the people groaning under the accumulating load of debt and taxation; and also to strengthen its relaxing hold on power by enriching the privileged classes and corporations whose means and disposition to sustain it increases in the ratio of the impoverishment of the masses.

It has further fortified itself by usurping a Federal control over elections which has heretofore never been asserted from the foundation of our Government. Our fathers, my fellow-citizens or our fathers' fathers, never knew, or heard of the phrase "National elections," which President Hayes and my friend Mr. Foster so glibly use. National elections.

Where is there a law of the United States fixing the places for holding National elections in States, or providing for the appointment of Judges and Clerks, or prescribing their duties, or making appropriations to pay them? There is not and never has been such a Federal law. Every election in every State is and always has been a State election, held by State officers under State law. The States have always provided for and paid for and conducted elections for members of Congress the same as for all other elective representatives and servants of the people. So purely local have these elections been that members of Congress are everywhere chosen on the same ticket, at the same ballot-box, and under the direction of the same officers, with State, county, city, and township officers.

The attempt of the Republican party to coerce and control State officers when conducting elections under State laws, by use of the Federal army and a swarm of hireling spies and Marshals, is a flagrant, monstrous and intolerable usurpation. If State officers may be so coerced and controlled by the General Government, then the States sink to the position of mere dependencies of one great central Government of unlimited political power.

Fellow-citizens, this assumption of power, if recognized and established, tends, and will, I believe, lead to the utter destruction of the beneficient system of Government established by our fathers. Under that system, formulated in the Constitution, all the powers of the Federal Government are strictly defined and limited, while the State and the people, reserving to themselves all powers not delegated to the General Government, are sovereign in a far wider sphere than in the General Government. I speak in no spirit of partisanship, but in the candor of conviction, when I say that the obliteration of the reserved rights of the States and the people, and the absorption in the General Government of all political power, regardless of the Constitution, has become the controlling tendency, if not the fixed aim, of the Republican party.

These policies of the Republican party by which they are impoverishing the masses and absorbing unlimited power in the General Government, are only steps toward the ultimate subversion of popular liberty and the establishment of the rule of money aristocracy. In every Government, everywhere, there are two great opposing forces—the forces proceeding openly from the masses, tending to equality of rights, and the forces proceeding secretly from the few, tending to exemption, favoritism and class rule. The one aims at Government by and for the whole people: the other by and for a class. The one at rule by manhood, the other by money.

In our Republic these opposing forces have always been at work molding and controlling the action of parties. The Democratic party founded by Jefferson, the inspired apostle of liberty, has generally throughout its history been the exponent of the sentiments and the champion of the interests of the masses; while the Federal party strongly favored policies, tending to centralization, favoritism and class rule. But never in the history of our Government have the principles and methods opposed to true Democracy been so boldly and powerfully maintained by the Republican party in the past twelve years. Its long and firm hold of rapidly expanding power and the enormous growth of concentrated wealth have developed and ripened the forces inimical to popular government until now, having reduced the laboring masses almost to pauperism, having stripped the middle classes of a large share of their wealth, having learned to exact enormous tribute from corporations it has enriched by unjust legislation, it seeks by corruption to bribe and by force to overawe the electors, and to perpetuate its power in utter contempt of the Constitution and of the free and unbought suffrages of the people.

In this great contest we appeal to the patriotism and the interests, not to the passions of the people. We appeal to the wage-men, whose employment is made precarious by the lessening of all industrial pursuits consequent on the forced and protracted depression of values; to debtors and tax-payers whose burdens are doubled by that depression; to all considerate men who know that a change of rule tends to reform abuses, and teach respect for the authority of the people; to all who love our grand system of Government and dread to see it changed, either by exaggerating the rights of the States on the one hand, or by aggrandizing the power of the General Government on the other; to the soldiers of the Union Army who fought to make the South abide by the Constitution, and are themselves obedient to it; who are brave and generous enough to leave the South the blessings of the same free Government we ourselves enjoy; who, after saving the Union by their sufferings and sacrifices, have been robbed of their labor and property by the heartless policy of the Republican party; and whose manhood and patriotism cannot but revolt at the means attempted to perpetuate the passions and griefs of the war as mere party capital. I believe the appeal will not be in vain, and that October's sun will gild a triumph of the people's cause over all the powers the Republican party can array against it.

General Ewing was frequently interrupted during his eloquent address by loud and long-continued applause, and at its close there was a perfect storm of cheers.

An earnest, patriotic and eloquent speech, Gen. Rice followed Gen. Ewing in an which will be printed in full in subsequent issues of this paper.

"Remove not the ancient landmark which thy fathers have set" Bible.

Portsmouth Times.

I.

Men of the Buckeye State! the call Comes ringing for October's fight; Freemen rebuke the bondage thrall! Stand and defend the ancient right Freedom of speech, a ballot free, Juries unpacked—to us bequeathed By patriot sires, whose legacy In deathless garlands is enwreathed.

II.

Men of the iron will, they fought To rid us of a kingly sign, Their strong right arms deliverance brought From Hessian hordes that crossed the main. No lordly rule, no king, no crown Could blight the germ of Freedom's tree, Tyrannic rule—they hewed it down And reared a shrine to Liberty.

III.

Shall we, the sons, with craven heart, Hold light the birthright of our sires? And shall we act ignoble part And quench the sacrificial fires Through which they struggled up to give A home, where freemen can be free, A land where tyrants cannot thrive, But consecrate to Liberty?

IV.

Men of the Buckeye State beware! An evil hour the times betide; A wily foe from us would tear For what of old the fathers died. Guised 'neath the cloak of country's love(?) They storm upon the "brigadiers," Invoke the powers up above, To mark their crocodilian tears.

Yet 'neath it all, departing power Has made them dissolute and bold In this, their dark and trying hour To change the landmark set of old.

For this the sectional appeal, Foster's harangues—the carpet knight Weeping o'er wrongs he does not feel And battles that he ne'er did fight.

But, see! there comes a plumed knight Who in the shock of battle's fight Ewing, our chief, with piercing gla Carried a keen and ready lance; And by his side, a maimed form, A patriot tried and true as him, Who in the depth of Kenesaw's storm Left on its heights his good right limb.

VII.

And call them traitors?—soldier boys Will rally round these gallant men And there will come unstinted joys, Standing for Freedom's cause again; Right will prevail, as sure as fate, Sword yielding to the civic gown, And once, for all, campaigns of hate Will Buckeye ballots trample down.

Buckeye Boy.

General A. V. Rice, who was thrice wounded, lost his right leg at the battle of Kenesaw Mountain.