The Caledonian

Boston, March 11, 1848.

Well, the game has ended, the whigs are beaten. Slavery and avarice have triumphed, and our Nation stands before the world, a proud hypocrite,—the lie, black as midnight, stamped upon her noble forehead. All that Slavery and the Democrats could dare to hope for, or even wish, has been accomplished most triumphantly. In 1845, Texas was shrewdly smuggled in. And now six hundred and fifty thousand square miles are to be added, as a choice field to practice and strengthen the system of oppression. If the simple question of acquisition were presented to the people, no doubt it would be rejected with general indignation. But now it comes in such a form that it is eagerly asked for, even by whigs.

That the plan was conceived in secret, with far-sighted cunning, that it has been watched over and brought forward so adroitly that even its object, the very curse is thought to be "a consummation devoutly to be wished," bespeaks no mean diplomacy. Yet, let it be well remembered who is the Prince of such arts, & let the glory all of it be given to those to whom it belongs. Let true men wash their hands in innocence, having no part in the war, or in such a Peace.

Has there not been over-hasty expression by the Northern Whig papers? Have they weighed well the question of territory, especially slave territory, as this must and will be? Are we to receive into the holy bonds of fellowship 658,000 miles of a land blighted by this foul curse? Besides, what shadow of right have we to a single foot of Mexican soil: Shall we demand it because it is in our power? Having heated the iron, and enjoyed the exquisite pleasure of seeing her writhe under the agony of its application to her vitals, shall we now wring from her the cost of heating?—Then, truly does it ill become us to boast of this land of freedom, religion and good government. Then, if our arrogance keeps pace with our growth in iniquity, we may next claim to extend the privileges of "our peculiar institutions" over the continent. Perhaps, in our impious pride, we may plan to establish the Anglo American superiority in a future world.

I cannot but think that every principle of wisdom, honor and humanity will sustain those of the 15 who voted to reject the treaty, from conscientious motives. They desired Peace as earnestly as any, but they had other principles to maintain, and which would not bear a compromise. The plan was, in their view, pregnant with mischief, aside from its injustice and informality. We had no more need of the territory than the prodigal of his portion of the goods; we had no more right to it than the robber to the purse of his murdered victim.

We could have had peace on wiser terms.—At least, after some delay and change of power, we could have nobly given back to Mexico all we have taken, which is beyond dispute her own: we could have extended the right hand of fellowship, helping her to enjoy the blessings of republican freedom, and securing the mutual benefits of commercial intercourse.—By such a course, such a glorious and unprecedented example we might well nigh have effaced the foul blot of past injustice

But now the whole scheme, in all its folly and iniquity, its origin, progress and end, must be unalterably recorded on the page of history It will show a picture so dark and revolting that humanity will blush and hang its head. Well will it be if the future has not to paint its effects in still deeper colors. Thankful may we be if the spirit of oppression and conquest is now satiated, and if we may escape a just retribution for the past. But there is too much reason to fear we have yet to learn that "money, miles, millions do not make a nation great."

G.