Richmond Enquirer

THE ENQUIRER.

Richmond, January 10.

PROCEEDINGS ON THE TEXAS QUESTION.

The House of Representatives is in full blast on the great question of the day. No one can predict the length of the debate, nor the variety of projects which may be submitted, nor the result to which they may ultimately arrive. We presume the annexation may pass the House in some form or other—and, if the Whig Senators from the South and West discharge their solemn duty to their country, stripped of all miserable party ties, the measure will prevail, at the present session, in some form or other. If it cannot succeed in one form, it should be carried in another. In such a case, private preferences ought to yield to the high considerations of public good. No dogged adherence to a particular mode ought to defeat the great object which we ought all to have in view. Conciliation ought to be consulted. The friends of the measure in both Houses should compare notes with each other, and fall upon some fair and honorable course, which can command the majority of both Houses. If Messrs. Ingersoll and McDuffie cannot carry their resolutions, following out the form of the late rejected treaty, some other more available formula should be pursued. If Messrs. Weller and Douglas cannot carry their resolutions, for acquiring Texas in the territorial form, we see no reason at all why we should not fall back upon the propositions of Messrs. Tibbatts and Niles—bring her in as a State, subject to fair conditions, which will prevent Texas from being larger than the present largest State in the Union, and will permit the extra territory to be carved up into as many other States, as the wisdom of Congress in the course of time may consider best for the whole Union. With this conciliatory spirit among the friends of Annexation, we can see no insurmountable difficulty in the way. As for those, who love Henry Clay more than their country—and would sacrifice her great interests to their party idol, nothing can be expected from them. They will pursue Mr. Winthrop's course, and do nothing. They will trample upon the negotiations of Adams and Jackson for the annexation of Texas. They are opposed to the measure in every form in which it may be presented. No argument can convince them—no appeals can overrule their idolatry to Mr. Clay, or their idle and dangerous antipathy to the South. No conciliation can reconcile them to any measure. We must act without them, or not act at all. It remains to be seen, whether the two Senators from Virginia are so infatuated as to sacrifice themselves and their country to their prejudices—or, whether (as we have some reasons to hope) they can rise superior to the behests of party, and strike boldly for their glorious country.

It is impossible for us to publish the whole of this interesting debate; but we shall give as many speeches as we can. We begin this day with Mr. C. J. Ingersoll's speech—and shall follow it up to-morrow with Mr. Belser's,

The Globe of Tuesday night sketches the debate of that day in the House of Representatives. It notices the severe castigation which Mr. Yancey of Alabama, has administered to Clingman of North Carolina. It says, that "Mr. Yancey, from Alabama, in his first speech in the House distinguished himself by his severe sarcasm and fervid eloquence. We did not hear his introductory remarks, but learn that they were made up of caustic for Mr. Clingman. It is certainly a good maxim which teaches to take the beam out of our own eyes before we attempt to spy the mote in another's; and this couching of the eyes of a Southern man, by a Southern man, was quite appropriate. We must confess that we have seen with some regret, that a portion of our Southern friends have, for years, shown a disposition to find fault with their distant political allies as not feeling that intense sympathy with them on political matters which affected them locally, while they were inclined to spare their own men of the South, who sacrificed the great interests of that region to its selfish Northern enemies. The Tariff discussion, the vital measure in regard to which, at the last Congress, almost every Whig in the South gave up his often avowed principles—the known will of the people he represented—their rights and interests, to foster a remote privileged class, and support its candidate for the Presidency, furnishes an example of this. And yet the vials of wrath of the opponents of the Tariff in the South were not poured out on these betrayers at home of the domestic cause; but, on a few Northern Democrats, who believed they represented the wishes of their constituents faithfully in opposing a change in the Tariff. Now this mode of dealing with the actors in our party conflicts does not evidence a feeling of political justice. Charity should not begin at home for the betrayers of a cause; nor should vindictive persecution be attempted towards those who, differing with political friends on a question of policy in regard to the interests of their constituents, resolve to maintain the fundamental principle of our Government, of fidelity to the constituent, rather than the behests of a majority of their own party. We are led to these reflections from the reform which Mr. Yancey seems disposed to introduce in the mode of treating the Southern enemies of the new Southern topic at present under discussion—the re-annexation of Texas. If the shafts of invective are to be hurled against any in this new controversy, let it be against the neighbors and kindred of the heroic men of Texas, who would surrender them to the tender mercies of military government in Mexico, forgetful alike of the perfidy and atrocity under which Fanning and his brave men perished, and of the magnanimity of Houston, through which Santa Anna and his army survive the wrongs which they had perpetrated. Mr. Yancey did well to-day in levelling his spear at Mr. Clingman, as among the first of the Southerners to appear in the tournament against the South; and he did well, too, in the conclusion of his speech, to deal his blows upon those in the North, who, from their hostility to the South and Southern institutions, would immolate the Union. The Hartford Convention conspirators, and those who now harbor that infamous treason in their bosoms, deserved the indignant animadversion with which he visited them," &c.

The Globe adds: "We heard the speech of Mr. Bayly of Virginia with great pleasure. It was a profound view of the question debated, sustained at every step by an able constitutional argument. Mr. Bayly is a strong man; and if the early promise hold, Virginia has gained much by his transit from the judicial bench to the floor of the H. of Representatives."

[Such is the sentiment which every liberal and enlightened man expresses for Thos. H. Bayly. He is indeed "a strong man"—and does honor to the District which he has the honor of serving in Congress.]

The "Constitution," too, notices the argument of General Bayly in the following terms:

"He proceeded, then, most powerfully and ably to illustrate his views of the question.—He demonstrated most conclusively that Congress had the power under the Constitution to acquire territory by bill of joint resolution, as well as by treaty. He proceeded by numerous and authoritative historical illustrations, to show the sinister, the aggressive and insincere policy of England in regard to slavery and the slave trade. He also showed that her diplomacy had been brought to bear upon this question, the results of which, if successful, would be to embarrass, if not to defeat annexation altogether. The whole scope of his argument was most dignified, able and conclusive. When fully reported, as it will be with all its illustrations, it will be found to be an argument fully sustaining our policy and purposes in regard to Texas. Posted up to this point of time, we are happy to say to the friends of Texas, that the sum of the argument is immensely in favor of annexation."

(Gen. Bayly will prove himself, by his talents, worthy of filling the space of Wise.)

In the Senate, the debate upon Texas has not commenced. But they are not altogether standing still. On the same day, Mr. Niles of Connecticut submitted the following bill, which is intended to introduce Texas as a State, (by the vote of Congress,) rather than directly in the form of a Treaty:

Mr. NILES, pursuant to notice heretofore given, asked and obtained leave to introduce the following joint resolutions—which were read twice:

"Joint resolutions for the admission of Texas into the Union as a State, on certain conditions, and for certain purposes:

"Whereas the Government and people of Texas have manifested a desire to unite their country with the United States of America, to constitute one or more States of this Confederacy; and whereas there are reasons to believe that a decided majority of the people of the United States are in favor of such union, and the same being regarded as highly conducive to the peace and best interests of both countries: therefore

"Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That Texas, with such territory and limits as rightfully belong to it, and with the restriction hereinafter provided, shall be admitted into the Union, upon an equal footing with the original States, to be called the State of Texas; and which admission shall be subject to the following conditions, and shall take effect when the said conditions shall have been complied with to the approval and acceptance of Congress:

"First. The citizens of Texas in such way and form as the Government may direct, to express their assent to this union, and according to the terms of these resolutions; said assent to be given before the first Monday of December, 1845.

"Second. The citizens of Texas, before the said first Monday of December, 1845, so to alter or modify their Constitution, as to make it in all respects conform to the requirements of the Constitution of the U. States.

"Third. That the citizens of Texas prescribe the limits and boundaries of the State of Texas, Northerly and Westerly, so as not to embrace a greater extent of territory than that of the largest State in the union, and as one of the conditions of this Union, that the State of Texas, within one year from its admission in the Union, will cede to the United States all the right of sovereignty and jurisdiction belonging to, or claimed by it, over its whole territory, not included in the State of Texas; and the limits and boundaries of such territory, so far as the same may be in dispute with any foreign power; and also those of the State of Texas shall be settled and adjusted by the United States, with the foreign nation, or nations, interested therein: Provided, That if any portion of the territory so ceded shall, at the time of such cession, be in the occupation and under the actual jurisdiction and government of any foreign power, the cession, in respect to such portion of the territory which it may include, shall be held to be void, and the United States will not claim, or assert, any right or jurisdiction over the same. The several acts herein required to be performed, as conditions of the admission of Texas into the Union, shall be officially certified by the proper authorities of Texas, to the President of the United States, with a copy of the Constitution of Texas, as altered or modified, to be by him communicated to Congress at its next session, so that Congress may decide whether the conditions herein contained have been complied with, so as to entitle Texas to an admission into the Union, upon an equal footing with the original States.

"And be it further Resolved, That nothing contained in these resolutions, nor the admission of Texas as a State into the Union, nor the cession of its jurisdiction over the territory not included in the State of Texas, shall in any way impair or affect the private rights of the citizens of Texas, or those of the citizens of the United States having claims against Texas or the citizens thereof: nor in any way impair or affect the title or claims of individuals to lands, whether within the State of Texas, or the territory ceded to the United States; nor in any way impair or affect the right which Texas may have at the time of her admission into the Union, in the soil in the public or unsold lands, whether the State of Texas, or the territory so ceded by her

"And be it further Resolved. That, should it be desired by Texas, the United States will advance to her a sum not exceeding three hundred and fifty thousand dollars, to discharge the debt due from Texas to the executors of Frederick Dawson, late of Baltimore, and for the redemption of exchequer bills, which may be in circulation at the time of her admission into the Union, and which shall be reimbursed to the United States, by the State of Texas, from the proceeds of the sales of her public lands.

"And be it further Resolved. That, on the admission of Texas, as a State, into the Union, it shall be entitled to one Representative in the House of Representatives of the United States until the next general census shall be taken by the authority of the United States.

"And be it further enacted. That the territory which may be ceded by Texas to the United States, shall be united to some existing Territory, or formed into a distinct territorial Government; and that the inhabitants who are, or may become residents therein, shall be entitled to all the rights and privileges of citizens of the United States in other Territories West of the Mississippi; and that they shall be admitted into the Union as one or more States, as soon as, from their population and other considerations, Congress may deem it just and reasonable.

"And whereas, by the ordinance of one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven, adopted in a spirit of compromise, it was ordained and established as a fundamental law, that slavery or involuntary servitude should not exist in the territory Northwest of the Ohio; and whereas, subsequently, in the year one thousand eight hundred and twenty, the restriction of the aforesaid ordinance was extended and applied to the territory (excepting that embraced in the State of Missouri) which was ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies North of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes North latitude: therefore

"Be it further Resolved, That the eighth section of the act entitled 'An act to authorize the people of Missouri Territory to form a Constitution and State government, and for the admission of such State into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, and to prohibit slavery in certain Territories,' approved the sixth day of March, 1820, shall be applicable to the territory which may be ceded by Texas to the United States, and so modified as that the restriction and prohibition contained therein shall extend to, and be in force in and over the whole of that part of the territory which may be so ceded, which lies west of one hundred degrees of west longitude, so long as the same may remain a territory of the United States."