The Daily Dispatch

What Some of the New Senators Say.

[From a report of interviews with a correspondent of the New York Herald.]

THE CIVIL-RIGHTS ISSUE.

Correspondent: Your idea of the civil-rights bill and its effect?

Andrew Johnson: With the cemetery and school clauses eliminated it is not so objectionable as originally drafted. Nevertheless, I believe the people of the country have come to the conclusion that either the negro must be put in his proper place or the two races must separate. I think the matter will eventually settle itself if a policy of moderation and calmness prevails.

SENATOR WITHERS, OF VIRGINIA.

Senator Withers, of Virginia, says he regards the civil-rights bill as a measure which can result in no benefit at all to the colored race, and is likely to increase antagonism between the whites and blacks. The force bill he also regards as an unequivocal indication of a purpose on the part of General Grant and the extremists of the Republican party to control the election in the four States to which it would have been made applicable, so as to secure their votes in 1876 for General Grant. The resumption of specie payments is, of course, the only sure remedy for the financial troubles; but a sudden contraction, such as must occur in consequence of precipitate action in this direction, must necessarily add to the stringency, and should, if possible, be avoided. The convertibility scheme has much to commend it as a means of preventing such crisis as that which occurred last year. In regard to the success of the Democratic party he said: "With ordinary sagacity in the management of the Democratic party success in 1876 is assured. Extremists will not control the action of the party, and the people, North and South, are tired of the war-issues. The struggle in 1876 will be one more sharply defined than ever before; in which the Constitution and the rights of the States under it will be maintained by the Democratic party, and centralization of power in the hands of the General Government will be advocated by the Republicans. Disguise it as they may, these are the essential points of difference, and, the issue being clearly presented before the people, he could not doubt what would be their verdict."

SENATOR CHRISTIANCY, OF MICHIGAN.

Senator Christiancy, of Michigan, said he was a Republican, had acted with that party, and probably should in the future; yet he was not what is known as a party man. He had supported Republican principles because he thought them right, and not because they were Republican. He was in no sense radical, and was glad to find a number of men of his thinking already in the Senate. He believed emphatically in equal rights to all men, but also in equal rights to all States—a theory that he thought some men had forgotten. All laws must be general, and he was unalterably opposed to any legislation for Louisiana which might not be applied to Michigan were the circumstances the same in both States. He favored all proper legislation to carry out the amendments to the Constitution, but would not be an extremist. He would not be bound by any caucus to vote against his convictions, but should endeavor to vote and act on the merits of each case as presented.

SENATOR CAMERON THE SECOND.

Senator Cameron, of Wisconsin, Matt. Carpenter's successor, has been a life-long Republican, has acted with the Republican party, and proposes to continue to act with that party, but was opposed to extreme measures in the government of the South. He was not a State-rights man as it was understood before the war, though he must confess that now the term had a different signification. He believes in a policy toward the South which will encourage industry and establish prosperity in that section—a generous and magnanimous policy that will establish good-will and carry out the real object of the reconstruction measures. As to the future, he was not enough of a prophet to venture upon predictions, and would leave that to those who made political matters a study.

SENATOR PADDOCK, OF NEBRASKA.

Senator Paddock, of Nebraska, succeeds Tipton, but is not a liberal Republican after the ex-senator's pattern. He thinks the southern States should have been held as military provinces until such time as the people were prepared to establish new relations with the Federal Government. His confidence in the Republican party is unshaken, though he does not consider it necessary to test his fidelity with those who are more radical or extreme in their views. The course of the Administration in regard to Louisiana does not commend itself to his approval, neither does the effort to seat Pinchback. The future of the party depends, in his opinion, upon a moderate policy toward the South and an honest regard for the needs of a people already burdened with taxes and threatened with greater troubles.