Norfolk Gazette And Publick Ledger

[Having published several statements, in which the honour and humanity of General STRICKER, in respect to the disgraceful transactions in the city of Baltimore, have been impeached, we perform no more than an act of justice, in giving insertion in our paper, to the defence which General Stricker has made. The documents referred to shall be inserted in our next.]

COUNCIL CHAMBER,

Annapolis, Sept. 7, 1812.

Sir--You are requested to publish the additional documents herewith transmitted, in your paper. They shew in the strongest light, the correctness and propriety of General Stricker's official conduct, during the late unhappy occurrences at Baltimore, and evince in the most satisfactory manner, that the charges of neglect of duty exhibited against him, are utterly unfounded in truth.

I am, Sir, with much respect,

Your obedient servant,

ROBERT BOWIE

Mr. J. Chandler.

Editor of the Maryland Republican.

To His Excellency the Commander in Chief of the Militia of Maryland.

To obviate certain gross misrepresentations, I deem it proper to submit to your Excellency a supplementary report of my conduct during the late commotions in the city of Baltimore, in which I shall take the liberty of respectfully superinducing such explanatory observations as the allegations against me, may officially seem to require.

In the part which I had to take in those unhappy transactions, I was influenced not only by considerations of official duty, but by principles of commiseration of Mr. Hanson and his associates. Never did I make greater exertions to maintain the supremacy of the law and to prevent the effusion of blood; and never did I enjoy more completely, the unqualified approbation of my own conscience; and yet, most unexpectedly to me, there have been widely disseminated rumours calculated to exhibit me to the world, in this affair, as the most horrid monster that ever appeared in the shape of man.

1st. It has been alledged against me, that in advising Mr. Hanson and his associates to leave the house in Charles street, I had no object but their massacre in the jail.

The unexampled wickedness of such a purpose and the palpable absurdity of such a plan are of themselves, one would think, a sufficient refutation of the charge. What motive could I have had for entertaining a design so detestably treacherous--so horribly flagitious?--From these men I had received no injury; against them I had no hostility; on the contrary, I had for several of them a personal regard. With the parents of some of them I had long lived in habits of uninterrupted friendship.--If the indiscriminate butchery of these men had really been my object, the horrid purpose could have been accomplished and without any participation on my part, by barely letting them remain in the house in Charles street. For as they were destitute of the requisite provisions and water; as they were quite exhausted from the fatigue and duty and from want of sleep; as from desertions, they were reduced to 'a number barely sufficient to man the most essential stations, without any to relieve them;' it was evident, that they could not long withstand the multifarious assaults of the very numerous and highly exasperated populace; and that consequently, their destruction was obviously inevitable. Enfeebled and intimidated, as they were, it was manifest to me, that they could not have maintained their stations five minutes against the impending tremendous attack.

2dly. It is alledged, that I pledged my honor to these men for their security in the jail; and that upon that pledge, they consented to leave the house in Charles street.

From a principle of humanity and a wish to maintain the dominion of the law, I and others repaired to the place. We there at once perceived that the men in the house would infallibly be destroyed in the course of a few minutes unless some expedient should be immediately devised to avert the catastrophe. It was suggested to me at the time, and indeed it was the prevailing opinion, that the jail was the only place of safety. When it was proposed to them, their principal objection was that the military before the house was not sufficiently strong to protect them on the way to the jail, from so large and infuriate a mob. Those who will seriously consider the tumultuous confusion of the scene, the impatient vociferations of the exasperated mob, the menaced impending destruction of the objects of their fury, the consequent agitation of us all, will not easily imagine, that, at a juncture so frightful any thing was thought of but the tremendous danger of the moment, and the best way of averting it.

Thinking as I did, that the armed militia, with the proffered assistance of many persons who had been with the populace, would afford to them an adequate protection, I gave to them my opinion, but only as an opinion, that we could take them to the jail, declaring at the same time, that I and other citizens, hooking arms with them, would go into the hollow square, and would there expose ourselves to all the danger of the attack of the populace. I accordingly took Mr. Hanson under my arm, and thus exposed myself to much danger. I was considerably hurt by a large paving stone, thrown with great force, which, had it struck me but a few inches higher might and probably would have proved fatal.
Believing, as I most assuredly did, the jail was a sanctuary which no man would attempt to violate, it is quite probable that I may have represented it to them as a place of safety but most solemnly do I affirm, that I at no time did directly or indirectly give my personal guarantee for their safety in the jail. Such a pledge would have been on my part a very silly volunteer act of supererogation, as well as of arrogant pretension to power.

As they were morally certain, that by remaining in the house in Charles-street, their destruction, sooner or later, was inevitable, what rational object, in the name of common sense, could they have had in insisting upon such a stipulation, as an indispensable preliminary to their leaving a place of such imminent danger—nay, of certain death! And at all events, what inducements, official or personal, could I have for pretending to take upon myself the making of a stipulation so extraordinary? As Brigadier I had nothing to do with the jail. Of myself, I could order no military force for its defence. I could take no such step but upon the requisition of two justices of the peace. Thus in a case wherein there was no obligation on me, official or moral, to enter into any kind of personal stipulation, a case too of very awful character, I am represented as going out of my way and voluntarily pledging my honor, that some two justices would in due time make a requisition upon me to order out the militia, and moreover that a competent portion of the militia would, in such case, afford with effect their services. As Brigadier I was far more active than duty required, since in that capacity it was not my duty to go either to the house or to the jail. As an individual, it was no more my duty to protect them, than it was the duty of any other individual. When I joined in recommending the jail as a sanctuary, it most certainly never did occur to my mind to regard their going to the jail as a matter of favor to me. On the contrary, I considered their situation so desperate, their fate in the house so certain, that it was from motives of compassion that I urged their compliance. When I had returned from the prison, and reflected upon the fury and exasperation of the populace; when I considered to what danger I had exposed myself, (although not bound to do so from any considerations of duty) and when so few others could be found willing to risk so much, my consolation was, that I had assisted in preserving the lives of my fellow men, and my expectation was, that I should have had their gratitude, instead of their calumny.

The only pledge given by me was that I as an officer, would do in their protection, whatever was my duty. And I do affirm that in my official capacity, nothing was left undone that ought to have been done. I did immediately after receiving the requisition of the justices, issue orders to Col. Sterrett, Col. Harris, and Major Barney, which had they been carried into effect, would have brought into the field a force much stronger than was required by the exigency. Under these orders, however, to my great mortification, there appeared only about thirty five Infantry, and about three or four dragoons. And as to the artillery, it is proper here to state, that most of the companies did parade as ordered, but in what force. Col. Harris has not been able to report; it is however known that some of them were very weak, and ought to be employed, but when properly supported by Cavalry and Infantry, it was deemed indispensably necessary that they should be dismissed with the few Infantry that paraded on the occasion. On this subject I refer your Excellency to the accompanying letter from Col. Harris, marked A.

3dly. It has been alleged that the refusal of the militia to turn out was owing altogether to an order issued by me interdicting the use of ball cartridges.

My orders transmitted to your excellency in my last report, will speak for themselves. They cannot fail to acquire the approbation of all men of candor, who will take the trouble of comparing them with the jealous limitations and restrictions of the law of Maryland.

When the written order was delivered to col. Sterrett, he enquired whether ball cartridges were to be carried—to which enquiry I replied, that I did not think it would be necessary, and at the same time remarked that the principal object was to assemble the men as early as possible, and that to wait for ball cartridges, might by the delay, frustrate our views. This opinion was founded on the fullest persuasion then, and yet entertained, that a whole Regiment of Infantry with bayonets and a squadron of horse with pistols and swords, would over-awe, and if necessary disperse any mob that would appear.—

But this opinion of mine could not possibly have had any effect upon the men, as there was no such interdiction in my official order, and as there could have been none such in the orders of Col. Sterrett and Major Barney. And as a further illustration of this subject, I have to refer your excellency to the accompanying documents marked B. C. D. E. F. G.

It is worthy of notice that no such opinion was given to Major Barney, yet but three of his whole squadron turned out.

4thly. It has been asserted, and upon oath, that I dismissed a body of militia, under major Heath, contrary to his advice and remonstrances. and that from Major Heath I proceeded to Col. Sterrett and ordered him to dismiss the party which was under arms in Gay-Street, an order which Mr. Sterrett obeyed with a heavy heart.

This accusation has been accompanied with insinuations as to my motive and object, which, upon mere circumstances of suspicion, could not by a liberal mind be ascribed even to the most abandoned ruffian. I shall content myself, as to this base assertion, in referring your excellen cy to the subjoined letter of major Heath, marked H; which will fully enable all dispassionate minds to form a just estimate of the credit due to this as well as to the other calumnies, that have been so wantonly uttered against me.

As to the order to col. Sterrett, it is necessary only to remark, that there were not as has been asserted two separate bodies of Infantry, the one commanded by major Heath, and the other by Col. Sterrett. It was the 5th regiment that was on that day ordered out of which Mr. Sterrett was the colonel, and Mr. Heath the first major. And as before stated, of this Regiment only thirty-five appeared in Gay-Street where they were dismissed.

In conclusion, I consider it proper to let your excellency know, that at the time of the outrage on the printing office in Gay-Street, and for some time before, I was absent from the state, yet as soon as I had been apprized of that circumstance I hastened home under an impression of duty, and with a view to contribute my best exertions towards the restoration of peace, good order, and the authority of the law; and although doubts have been entertained by many as to the law, all calls of the civil authority on me for a militia force have been promptly complied with on my part.

I have the honor to be,

Your excellency's obedient servant.

JOHN STRICKLER,
Brig. Gen. 3d Brigade Md. Militia.

Baltimore, August 29, 1812.