Semi Weekly Standard

The union against-Lincoln in New York.

We are gratified to learn that there is some prospect of carrying New York against Lincoln by the union recently effected in that State between the Douglas, the Bell, the Houston, and the great body of the Breckinridge men.

The last Journal of Commerce says:

"We have the great pleasure of announcing to our readers the consummation of the union or co-operation so long desired and so earnestly labored for by patriotic citizens of different shades of politics in this State opposed to the election of a sectional President. The Electoral Ticket designed by the Committee of Fifteen, appointed for the purpose by the great Cooper's Institute meeting, has been formally adopted by the Douglas State Committee, whereof Dean Richmond is Chairman, with the single variation that instead of Henry S. Randall as Elector at Large in place of Hon. Reuben H. Walworth, nominated by the Douglas State Convention, the Hon. Greene C. Bronson has been substituted, with the consent and approval of the Committee of Fifteen, represented by Samuel F. Butterworth as a Sub-Committee. This modification was found to be necessary, chiefly for the reason that it was understood that Mr. Randall, the original nominee of the Committee of Fifteen, who had been previously nominated by the Breckinridge State Convention, was not prepared to accept the present nomination if made. Judge Bronson is a Breckinridge man.

It is much to be regretted that the Electoral Ticket so happily consummated and approved by the Committee of Fifteen, by the Douglas State Committee, the Mozart Hall Democracy, the Tammany Hall Democracy, the "Union," or Bell-Everett national men, the Breckinridge Democratic Volunteer Association, the Kings County Democratic Committee, and by the Breckinridge rank and file throughout the State, with but few exceptions, could not have had also the approval of the Breckinridge State Committee, whereof John A. Greene, jr., is Chairman. This would have made the co-operation perfect, and would have almost ensured the defeat of Lincoln in this State, which is equivalent to his defeat in the nation at large. But even without such approval, there is the greatest encouragement for the Anti-Lincoln forces to give a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull altogether, in the confident hope of dealing a death-blow to Sectionalism and the Irrepressible Conflict. And who knows but the Breckinridge State Committee, notwithstanding the known opposition of its Chairman and some few of its members, may yet, as a Committee, endorse the Anti-Lincoln Ticket? We do not despair of such a result, though we are not acquainted with the particular views of all its members. Some of them, we are confident, will be ready, as individuals, to give it their approval. But however this may be, the ticket must be put through, just as it now stands. We mean, it must be elected. "It can be, and as Gen. Jackson would say, it "shall" be. Almost the entire Anti-Lincoln press of the State, of all shades, will support it heart and hand. The anti-Lincoln merchants will support it to a man. The anti-Lincoln masses will do the same. And it must succeed.

But this is not all the good news. Besides the Union Electoral ticket, the Douglas State ticket has been so modified by the Douglas State Committee, that Breckinridge men can honorably vote for it.— Said Committee, in accordance with the views of the Committee of Fifteen, have substituted Col. Crain of Herkimer, a Breckinridge man, for Lieut. Governor, in place of Mr. Allen, of Oswego, the Douglas nominee, who has declined.

Thus the vast majority—almost all—of the Anti-Lincoln forces in the State, are brought into a united phalanx, both on the Electoral and State tickets, in opposition to the sectional candidates.

It is not believed that Mr. Greene and his adherents can divert any considerable number of voters from the Union Ticket. Every man who votes for any other Electoral ticket, under existing circumstances, will know that directly or indirectly he is promoting the election of Lincoln; and that is what no true Breckinridge man can be willing to do.

We have heretofore spoken in terms of censure of the Douglas committee for the obstinacy with which they appeared to oppose a union of the conservative forces of New York against the common enemy; but sheer justice requires us now to state that the Douglas committee has shown itself equal to the crisis, and that it deserves commendation for its recent course. We do not look for motives on the part of the committee—we only know that Richmond, Cagger, and those who are controlled by their counsels appear now to be acting patriotically and in the best and only way to defeat Lincoln. And whilst we say this, we concur with the Journal of Commerce which is a Breckinridge paper, in condemning Mr. Brady, the Breckinridge candidate for Governor, and those members of the Breckinridge committee who are still opposing this effort to save the country.—

We are glad to learn, however, that the great body of the Breckinridge party will support this ticket; and in confirmation of this opinion we may state that Mr. Butterworth, one of Mr. Buchanan's office-holders in New York, has emphatically declared that the administration approves of the fusion, and will exert its influence to elect the ticket.

As we have heretofore stated, without the vote of New York Lincoln cannot be elected. 120 Southern Electoral votes with the vote of New York will elect a President and Vice President by three majority, leaving Lincoln, if he should get all the free States, 148 votes, which would be three less than necessary to elect. That candidate, therefore, who shall go before the New York Electors with the most votes from the South will stand the best chance to be chosen President. Here, then, is a most cogent reason why the Breckinridge Democrats of the South should exert themselves to the utmost; and here, too, is a most cogent reason why the Douglas Democrats of the South should not diminish Mr. Breckinridge's strength by voting for Douglas, and thus giving, it may be, a majority of the Southern vote to Bell. The Douglas Democrats of New York have united with the Breckinridge Democrats and with the Bell men to defeat Lincoln; and why may not the Douglas men of the South unite with the Breckinridge men to defeat Bell? We have no sympathy with Democrats who prefer Bell to Breckinridge, or Lincoln to Douglas. We are for Breckinridge first, for Douglas next, for Bell next as against Lincoln, but for Lincoln never. The great object is to defeat Lincoln, and to keep the election from the House of Representatives. And if the Douglas and Bell men of New York, who are as wide apart as the poles in political sentiments and sympathies, can unite to defeat Lincoln, why may not the Democrats of North-Carolina of all shades of opinions unite to elect the strongest man—as Breckinridge is certainly the strongest man—over both Lincoln and Bell? Suppose, for example, that of the 120 Southern Electoral votes Mr. Bell should receive 70 and Mr. Breckinridge 50, and the New York fusion Electors should determine that the candidate having the largest Electoral vote was entitled to their support, and should thus elect Mr. Bell President—how could the Douglas Democrats excuse themselves for having withheld the ten votes of North-Carolina from Mr. Breckinridge, which if they had been given to him, would have made him President? Again, is it not morally certain, if this fusion ticket should prevail in New York, and if the South should cast her undivided strength for Mr. Breckinridge, that New York would vote for him and elect him? We think it is. We appeal to the Douglas Democrats to think of these things.

But even if New York should vote for Lincoln there is still some ground for hope that Pennsylvania and New Jersey will save the country. These two States cast 34 Electoral votes, one less than New York. At the election held yesterday in Pennsylvania all the anti-Lincoln forces were united. We shall soon know the result in that State. If