Virginia Argus

From THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.

An enquiry into the constitutionality and expediency of the general government making provision for education and internal improvements.

(Concluded.)

9. A strong argument in favor of the investiture of this power in the general government arises from the vast territory of western lands possessed by them. These have been rightfully pledged, in the first place, to the payment of the debt contracted by the revolution. Acquired by our glorious struggle, it was just they should be applied in defraying its cost. But the time is rapidly coming, when the whole of that debt will have been paid. What object will then offer so many claims to the growing wealth derived from this source as internal improvements? Justice will demand that it be appropriated to a common object, in which the good of all is alike involved; policy will recommend its application to an object that will be acceptable to the new states within whose limits it may lie. No object can be named the accomplishment of which will be so productive of benefit to the whole union; and none which will be so popular in the new states, as most of the improvements made will, by facilitating intercourse among themselves, or with the Atlantic states, directly tend to increase their absolute as well as relative wealth, and add to their personal comfort.

We have said that policy will recommend such an exercise of power. It will be recollected that, at no remote day, the western-states will command a numerous population, and that the hardy habits of their citizens, and their resolute spirits will entertain lofty ideas of their relative importance in the union. Their strength will be really great, and from the rapid increase of their numbers, they will, at least, not underrate it, Men will probably rise among them who will not hesitate to suggest the idea that a part, if not the whole, of the proceeds, of the vacant lands of right belong to them. The vision will be a fascinating one, whose delusions it will require forbearance and wisdom to resist. What can more effectually do this, than the appropriation of this fund to objects so universally interesting ? -What more effectually silence the clamors of discontent, or the voice of the demagogue? Those states, whose lands are in the first instance the subject of disposition, will feel the immediate benefits of the plan, and they will wait, without impatience, for the arrival of the period, when, after the disposition of their lands, they shall stand in the same relation to the more western states, that the Atlantic states at present stand in to them, when they will have returned to them the tribute they had paid to the common stock. Here will be a system of liberal and beneficent reciprocity. The interests of all the parts will be tributary to the welfare of the whole: and the wealth of the whole, thus accumulated, will be again distributed with increased advantage. Before its united energies and under wise direction, mountains will fall, and streams be rendered navigable to their sources; distance will be lessened by facilitated intercourse; each district of country will cultivate its most congenial products ; our citizens of the west will mix with those of the east; separate interests will sink ; the general good will be the goal of the whole community! Frigid must be that bosom which does not glow at such a prospect!

10. In the last place, it is not easy, perhaps it is not possible, to name any way in which the great objects of education and internal improvements can be effected on a scale commensurate to their importance, unless the proceeds of the sales of western lands, or the duties on imposts be partially made use of. It has been already stated that the amount of all the taxes at present imposed by the states is not equal to a tenth part of the revenue drawn by the U. States from these two sources. Time, by increasing the value of the western lands, and by increasing the demand for them, will only tend to make this inequality the greater. Both these sources of revenue exclusively belong to the government of the United States. The states then can only derive revenue from excises on articles of consumption, or from direct taxes. Experience has already proved, that under a free government, the former of these sources of taxation can never be productive, and that the latter, except in cases of great emergency, will be extremely unpopular. In such instances, requiring the exertion of an undivided energy, the general government will itself be obliged to impose this species of taxation. This has been actually verified by our late experience. In a period of alarm, a direct tax on lands and slaves, amounting to two millions of dollars was laid by the general government; and although, in its productiveness, it formed no more than a small part of the revenue derived from imposts, and although it was not an annual but a single tax, notice of which was given long before it was assessed, and whose payment was attended with great indulgence; yet it was so unpopular that its execution cost an insurrection in one part of the union, and occasioned discontent throughout the whole country. Not a voice has been raised, during a period of seven years, in favor of reimposing the tax; which in some states is not to this day discharged.

We all know and feel the nature of an excise. Our feelings are even more hostile to it than our reason. Hence after causing an insurrection, whose suppression cost more than the product of two years' receipts from all excised articles, it has fallen amidst the frowns of an indignant country. Where, then, if the exclusive resources of the general government are locked up, are we to look for the means of effecting these great objects ? They cannot be named. They are not to be found. To the general government then we must look--for no where else can we look for their accomplishment.

How, then, under the auspices of the general government can they be effected? Where is the plan, whose features are of such a complexion as to merit and receive the public favor ?

This plan I shall now expose, with the humility which becomes one sensible of his moderate attainments and his liability to err, but with the confidence likewise of a freeman of a great republic in which the general welfare is the commanding motive, and whose institutions boast the honorable prerogative of consulting the public opinion, and following good advice, even though it should come from the humblest source.

1. Let a permanent appropriation be made of all the surplus revenue of the union (reserving one million over the ordinary wants of the treasury for contingencies) to the great purposes of education and internal improvements, only to be suspended in case of great emergency.

2. Let the whole sum thus applied be devoted to the establishment and maintenance of seminaries of learning, & board of agriculture, mechanics and trade, and to internal improvements.

3. Let a representative body be elected every three years, composed of half the number of the House of Representatives of the United States, one member to be appointed by the legislatures of each of the states, and the remaining members by the people of each state in the ratio of their number.

4. To avoid expense let the sittings of this body be limited to one session, not to continue more than sixty days.

5. This body shall determine the objects on which the money appropriated shall be expended during the ensuing three years, the manner in which it shall be expended, including the appointment of the necessary agents for executing the respective objects. In doing this the states may be made the agents for specific purposes or a certain portion of the revenue may be placed entirely under their direction.

6. Let the constitution be so modified as either to direct or admit of these arrangements; or in case this be not done, let laws be passed adopting such a system as fully as the present provisions of the constitution authorize.

Here then we have the features of a system, which, it is apprehended, embraces the means for carrying into effect the great objects contemplated, without reposing power in such a manner as to endanger the public liberty, or to give rise to much abuse.

The only objections which have been, or which, perhaps, can be made to the exercise of this power, is its vastness, & its consequent liability to abuse, when vested in any one set of men possessed likewise of great political power. The plan suggested, by removing this difficulty, entirely vanquishes the force of this argument.-- The general government will have but one power, that of deciding on the quantum of surplus revenue, and the suspension of the ordinary appropriation. In the exercise of this power, there is contained nothing dangerous to liberty, or peculiarly liable to abuse. There is no rich patronage to bestow, no offices to confer, no pecuniary favors to lavish upon favorites. There will, therefore, be none of that insidious enginery so fatally used by corrupt governments to consolidate their power, and to fortify themselves against a responsibility to the nation. They will, in fact, by this measure, divest themselves of a large portion of power, and be thus enabled, with the greater ease and intelligence, from an undivided attention to other objects, to devote to them the necessary attention. This point of view is infinitely important. It ever has been the greatest desideratum to establish a government with presidence over the affairs of a great nation, possessed of competent powers to protect it against external violence and internal disorders, without at the same time giving it the means of encroaching on the public liberty. In consolidated governments, as heretofore organized, the powers of the rulers, have invariably been an over match for the virtue and vigilance of the people. This has principally arisen from the immense host of offices erected, for the execution of interior concerns -- Hence the framers of our constitution have given it a federal character, Keeping out of its vortex all powers not of a general nature. Whatever tends to the practical insurance of this result is of incalculable importance. This plan will eminently have this effect. It will withdraw from the general government one of the most fatal talismans with which bad men might transform our rights into chains.

It will not only secure the continuance of our liberty ; but it will effectually eradicate many sources of serious abuse. The consciousness of the superintending body that their funds, if wantonly or improperly expended, may be taken from them, will make them cautious and vigilant. In addition to the powerful motives that influence the minds of honorable men, they will have superadded this salutary restraint.

Being selected for this express and sole object, and combining in their selection the good sense of the people and the refined intelligence of their representatives, there can be no doubt of their possessing higher qualifications for this object than ordinary legislative bodies. Their deliberations, being altogether divested of any necessary connection with party politics, will be conducted with greater harmony than those of a legislative body. and their results will be the offspring of full, free and dispassionate reflection, undisturbed by those storms of passion that too often rage in assemblies differently organized.

Chosen for a limited and short period, and having no share in the execution of the measures agreed to, from all participation in which they should be prohibited, corruption could not, in this shape, approach them.

From all these considerations, no doubt can be rationally entertained of their being a more competent and purer organ of power than any legislative body, state or federal.

Such is the plan which is respectfully submitted to the American people. Their will can make it law, or consign it to oblivion. What I most dread is that it will be treated with apathy and neglect. The indolence of human nature will be apt to declare its proposition unreasonable; and we shall go on in the same road we have heretofore trodden inattentive to the great objects which it has been the aim of these remarks to enforce. But let it be recollected. that procrastination is not only the thief of time, but that to its baneful spirit the most splendid enterprises owe their abortion.

" There is," says an admirable judge of mankind, "a tide in the affairs of man, which taken at the flood, leads on to fortune ; omitted, all the voyage of their lives is bound in shallows."

This, in my opinion. is the season most favorable for attending to this important subject There is now a tide. which, taken at the flood, will lead on to fortune.

Our affairs are prosperous, our people are happy. Our national resources are great and increasing; the wealth of our citizens is still greater, and promises a more rapid augmentation.

The public spirit of enterprize calls loudly for vigorous measures. There is an universal conviction of the superior benefits of good roads and canals, and there is an enthusiasm, capable, under a wise direction. of performing anything. That this direction should be wise is of infinite moment. The eventual success of most of the projected enterprises may depend on this circumstance ; and this can only be expected from placing the subject under a general and enlightened superintendence, possessed of means adequate to insuring success.

This too is the season of political virtue. The only prevailing despotism is that of political virtue over political vice. The national legislature is guided by pure motives. The public good is their goal and object. The plan calls for the exercise of a rare spirit of magnanimity. It requires them voluntarily to surrender an important power with which they are clothed, They may do it to day, but be deaf to the advice that recommends it to morrow,-- Periods of public spirit and virtue should be seized the moment they occur, and intelligently and vigorously improved. Unfortunately for the welfare of mankind, they occur but seldom, and do not last long.

There is one other consideration, of infinite weight, which from its delicacy I would decline noticing, but from the solemn conviction that the national happiness and honor are intimately connected with an early attention to it. Our western lands are a vast source of wealth ; but they are also a vast field for the enterprises and intrigues of avarice and corruption As suspicion has not sullied the fair name of an election. May this honorable district continue to be our boast.

If this grand fund is suffered to increase without a permanent appropriation? Already it has probably attained the value of nearly ten millions of dollars. A few revolving years will double, triple, quadruple its worth. With every addition to its worth, the sphere of temptation will brighten, the prize of ambition and avarice will swell. Who does not tremble for virtue thus exposed? No man confides more than I do in the virtue of our councils. I believe them now incorrupt and incorruptible. But looking at the degenerate fate of other nations, I feel alarmed, lest here, as elsewhere, ambition and venality may hereafter, in their inexorable career, prostrate the fair fabric of virtue, and rise on its ruins. Be this as it may, is it not our duty to use every means in our power to avert so mournful a catastrophe? We have the means--fellow citizens, apply them!