The Daily Worker

SOCIALIST PARTY TELLS WORKERS NOT TO HAMPER ROOSEVELT'S SLAVERY ACT

No Matter What the Risks or Dangers, They

Say the Workers Should Do Nothing

To Prevent Roosevelt's Plan

No better example of how the socialists adapt their policies to suit the needs of the financial oligarchy in striving to get out of the crisis by a sharp offensive against the workers can be seen than in the Socialist Party's support of the National Industrial "Recovery" Act.

When rationalization, speed-up, first began in the post war period, the socialists urged the workers to support it, showing it led (if properly managed) to "industrial democracy". Now the Roosevelt way out of the crisis they say leads to "industrial democracy". Every move that drives workers into starvation is supported by the socialists.

The "critical" attitude of the socialists to the slavery act is so thin it cannot even hide their strikebreaking tactics, their appeals to the workers not to struggle against the bosses or against the A. F. of L. strikebreaking policies. For example, take the following quotation from a special article on the industrial recovery act appearing in the latest issue of the socialist "New Leader", July 29, by Joseph E. Cohen.

"Whatever risk is run in banking too much upon this effort to place industry upon an even foundation (through the NIRA), much more danger lies in trying to hamper its tryout."

Yes, say, the socialists, there are dangers in the Roosevelt program. But it is more dangerous to oppose it. It is more dangerous to strike for higher wages, or struggle for unemployment insurance. It is better to try out Roosevelt's brand of starvation, it is better to permit the big trusts to shackle the workers through slavery codes and company unions.

Compare this socialists' appeal to the workers to refrain from struggling with the following from Roosevelt's radio speech:

"While we are making this great common effort, there should be no discord and dispute. This is no time to cavil or to question the standard set by this universal agreement. It is time for patience and understanding and cooperation . . .no aggression is now necessary ..."

This threat against struggles by the workers, this iron fist behind the demagogic promises, the socialists support by appealing to the workers to risk starvation in order not "to hamper its tryout". Certainly, Roosevelt could ask no more from his supporters in the Socialist Party.

True to the socialist history of supporting the war plans of the exploiters—war against the workers as well as an imperialist war or an attack on the Soviet Union—the American socialists are now preparing to support the Roosevelt war program by praising the aims of the National Industrial Recovery Act.

"Heeding the letter and spirit of the act we shall enjoy the nearest approach yet made in any country to have industry serve the nation."

You would expect General Johnson to say this, or Secretary of the Navy Swanson, with $300,000,000 at his disposal for warship building.

Or perhaps, William F. Green of the American Federation of Labor would be expected to say it.

No.

This and much more is said by the socialists. The particular quotation given above comes from the above mentioned article in the Socialist New Leader of July 29th, by Joseph E. Cohen, entitled: "If we heed the spirit of NIRA we approach a real solution."

Roosevelt in his radio speech threatening the workers if they strike is not more gushing about what the workers may expect from General Johnson, Gerard Swope, of the General Electric (Morgan-controlled) and the other administrators of the act.

"The National Industrial Recovery Act," says this socialist, "may be cited as tending to a constitution of industrial democracy."

With the capitalists admitting that the act follows fascist forms, with David Lawrence of the New York Sun, saying it will lead the government to breaking strikes by providing scabs to concerns who are under the code, and by using every agency of the government to prevent and stop struggles for higher wages, it is left to the socialists to tell the workers they are getting "industrial democracy."

Not content with this, the socialists support the avowed war program of Roosevelt, actually gloat about the national chauvinism he is instigating through his wartime propaganda machinery.

"This, in fact, is what our country is doing again to lead the world."

"Our country"—the country of 17,000,000 starving unemployed, the country of the greatest war preparations since the last world war; the country of murderous attacks against the workers—"Our country" is to lead the world.

This is the language of Wall Street in preparing for colonial plunder. It is the language of the socialists who supported the masters in the last world war. It is the language that every supporter of the slaveholders uses to arouse the workers under the guise of patriotism to be slaughtered for the bloodsuckers.

What better support could Roosevelt expect from the socialists for his program of the great offensive against the workers than such war propaganda?

But the socialists go still further. Mr. Cohen says:

"As the fight against the depression is won, as economic chaos is made to yield ground to order, as industrial democracy is achieved, as unknown factors in national problems become known, nearer grows the certainty that international accord and enduring betterment will be secured."

The socialists promise a capitalism without crisis, without chaos, a capitalism of order, ready to meet its competitors in war, and enduring unshakably.

This rotten propaganda that fits in perfectly with the war preparations of Wall Street is not an isolated instance in socialist appeals to the workers.

From the very beginning the socialists have told the workers there are golden opportunities in the slavery act for the workers.

In a front page editorial of the same issue of the New Leader there is the following paragraph:

"The old days are dead beyond recall. The system of unbridled competition, of Every Man for Himself and the Devil Take the Hindmost, can never return. What the classical economists called laissez-faire, what the forgotten Hoover called Rugged Individualism, and what Donald R. Richberg called Gold-plated Anarchy, is a system as extinct as the Roman Empire."

By this one paragraph, in one full swoop the socialists seek to tell the workers that capitalism has changed its whole basis. It is no longer the grabbing, exploiting system that it used to be. It has reformed into a beautiful thing. Anarchy will be wiped out. Crises are a thing of the past. Unemployment doesn't exist any longer. Roosevelt has transformed capitalism into an orderly thing, that holds boundless blessings for the workers. What should the workers do about it? Be quiet and let Roosevelt continue to shackle his chains around their necks.

The same editorial says: "The rules of the unions are being changed to meet present conditions. The army of labor is on the march!"

The A. F. of L. has changed its policy to conform to the company union idea to help the bosses in the basic industries, and the socialists call this "labor on the march!"

Yes. "labor is on the march", but not behind the Roosevelt band wagon, shackled to the slavery code. It is on the march struggling against the slave conditions that the bosses are trying to impose. "Labor is on the march", as in Pennsylvania, against the wishes of Roosevelt, the A. F. of L. and the socialists.

Join your unions, and build them up!" they urge. "Do not permit yourselves to be divided on any issue!"

No matter if the bosses slash wages and the A. F. of L. supports them, do not permit yourselves to be divided on any issue!" When the A. F. of L. leadership accepts a slave code, when they connive with the bosses to smash strikes, the socialists do not want the workers to divide with their leaders, but to present a solid neck to the Roosevelt yoke. No matter how sharp the attacks of the bosses, don't resist, don't form your own struggle committees, don't form united fronts of struggle around concrete, burning demands, affecting the workers' life.

On the eve of a new imperialist war, the Socialist Party of the United States is doing all it can to help the bosses by drumming up a chauvinist spirit behind the Roosevelt slave and war program.

It calls on the workers to submit to the A. F. of L. scab policy of A. F. of L.-label company unions. It agrees with Roosevelt that there is a "new order", and that the workers should not struggle to upset it.

The value of the socialists' propaganda to the capitalists is that it attempts to lead the militant minded workers into the swamp of the Roosevelt program. Many honest workers may be fooled by the socialist arguments, and it is against this danger that we must direct our efforts. At every opportunity the real purpose of the socialists support to Roosevelt should be pointed out. Against the socialist and A. F. of L. "critical policy" of support, we should put forward the program of struggle, of united front against the wage slashing and starvation program of Roosevelt, and develop the struggle which Roosevelt and the socialists seek to avoid so that capitalism may benefit at the expense of the workers.