Phenix Gazette

What I shall submit to the consideration of the public, demands of me no apology. Should any think otherwise, I tender to them Mr. Clay's dinner speech, delivered at Lexington in July last, with the references that have been made to me both by Gen. Jackson and Mr. Buchanan. Thus situated, it is neither needful nor proper to remain silent; I shall therefore speak the things that I know, from a conviction, that the references which have been made, render it proper for me to do so.

First, to an adjustment on my own account with Mr. Clay; who, in his speech delivered at Lexington, uses towards me this language.

"Before the election, an attempt was made, by an abusive letter, published in the Columbian Observer, at Philadelphia, a paper which, as has since transpired, was sustained by Mr. Senator Eaton, the colleague, the friend and the biographer of Gen. Jackson, to assail my motives, and to deter me in the exercise of my duty."

The language employed in this sentence, is arranged with so great art and caution, as to make it susceptible of doubtful intention. The meaning which the speaker intended should attach, and which, with nine readers out of ten, will obtain, is, that the Columbian Observer was sustained by Mr. Senator Eaton the colleague, the friend and biographer of Gen. Jackson, to assail his (Mr. Clay's) motives, and to deter him in the exercise of his duty. With this construction, I take leave to say, it is misrepresentation--it is untrue. This paper was assisted though not sustained by me for any purpose, and far less with a view to assail motives, or to deter any one in the exercise of his duty.

The return made of me by the editors of the Columbian Observer, as one of their creditors, has been a fruitful theme of exulting remark to Mr. Clay's editors and friends. I little expected to see him at so small a business; and still less that he would have hazarded an assertion in proof to support that assertion. A single paper, to be sure, at Philadelphia, the Democratic Press had asserted it: But Mr. Clay should have recollected, that as he was decrying the force of newspaper testimony, as authority applicable to his own case delicacy and a regard for consistency should have restrained his willingness to insist on it, as a rule conclusive towards others. Like himself, though, I cannot now express my satisfaction at having the matter presented in some tangible form, and by "a responsible accuser;" and that he may be spared all further disquietude on the subject, he shall be afforded the history of the transaction, precise and accurate as it took place, with leave to make of it hereafter whatever use he can.

To the editors of that paper, & at their request, I did lend a sum of money; at that time, before, nor after, was there an agreement, or understanding, expressed or otherwise, as to any political course which they should pursue. More than a year preceding this circumstance, and before I ever knew Messrs. Simpson & Conrad the editors, had that paper been warmly and zealously in the cause of General Jackson. It was my own money, not the public's; and I have yet to learn, wherein there is either culpability or criminality in lending money to the respectable editor of a newspaper, greater than to any other individual in society, unless as a stipend to induce to a course not sanctioned by his preference or judgment. The character of those editors is sufficient to turn aside the imputation of opinions thus controlled-while a recollection that for eighteen months or more they had labored in support of Andrew Jackson, altogether forbids it.

But, again: In adverting to this transaction-to my mind a very innocent and unoffending one-why was it necessary for Mr. Clay to throw around me, for description sake so many far fetched & high sounding expletives? Mr Eaton of the Senate-(there being in that body none other bearing a same, or even a similar name,) would as it appears to me, be altogether sufficient, if description of person was alone the end and object designed to be attained; but this was not the object, and hence the lofty addenda, "the colleague-the friend and the biographer of Gen. Jackson" What then was it? An attempt at deception-a matter of special pleading, by which it was expected, a conclusion in the public mind would be arrived at, that Gen. Jackson was the shelterer of this paper, intended and sustained for the avowed purpose to assail Mr Clay's motives and to deter him in the exercise of his duty. To this obviously designed intendment, I apply a positive denial of its truth. Gen Jackson was in Tennessee, and knew no more of the loan made to these gentlemen, than Mr. Clay did; nor did he know of it until during last winter, when--on the supposition, I suppose, that it might be used as a good set off to the charges and breakings of the Secretary, in his Biography corps-it became matter of remark and censure in those columns which were friendly to Mr. Clay and Mr Adams. Before this period, I had not spoken of it; nor until this time, detailed the particulars. I do so now,

lest, under the authority of the name which brings forward the accusation, suspicions may arise, and a character and consequence be given to the transaction, greater than it merits.

In presenting myself before the public on a subject which so lately has produced some excitement, and much inquiry and remark, I have felt it proper to speak thus far of matters which essentially pertain to myself; and with that portion of the subject I am now done.

In connection with the speech, are also other matters which have been presented to the consideration of the country; and about which I have been referred to, both by Gen. Jackson and Mr. Buchanan. With references thus made to remain silent and reserved, amidst the general interest which prevails, by many might be considered improper. I shall present therefore, my understanding of things as they were at the time and as they are still retained upon my recollection.

Between the statement of General Jackson and that submitted by Mr. Buchanan, I can perceive some differences, but they are principally verbal, and not material. Those which do obtain, appear to me rather as to inferences deduced from facts, than as to the facts themselves: substantially, there is accord.

Mr. Buchanan alleges, that, on approaching General Jackson, he did not come from Mr Clay. It is not asserted that he did, General Jackson states, his opinion at the time was, that Mr. Buchanan had come from Mr. Clay or some of his friends; but this is given merely as matter of impression-nothing more.

By the showing of Mr Isaacks and Mr. Buchanan, it now appears, that Mr Markle was the negotiator. A difference as to the date-the period of time at which the conversation took place, may exist; for Mr. Buchanan places it on the 30th of December. It may be, however, that he intends this as the period of his conversation with Mr. Markle; if it be in reference to his interview with General Jackson, then, agreeably to my recollection, it is a mistake. I cannot precisely, and to a day, declare the time when Mr. B. came to see and converse with me: but I do recollect it to have been during that week, on the Saturday of which the reported meeting of Mr. Clay and his friends took place, and when the determination was taken to support Mr. Adams. I feel quite satisfied, that the meeting to which I allude, was on Saturday the 22d of January Early in that week, (Tuesday or Wednesday evening,) Mr Buchanan visited me. It was on the pavement, and in front of my own residence, where we conversed together. A statement of our conversation, concisely drawn, was given to General Green, editor of the United States Telegraph, at his request, in August 1826--more than a year ago--It is as follows:

In January, 1825, a few days before it had been known that Mr. Clay and his friends had declared in favor of Mr. Adams. I was called upon by Mr Buchanan of Pennsylvania. He said, it was pretty well understood, that overtures were making by the friends of Adams, on the subject of cabinet appointments. That Jackson should fight them with their own weapons. He said the opinion was, that Jackson would retain Adams, and that it was doing him injury. That the General should state whom he would name it to

my reply was, that I was satisfied General Jackson would say nothing on the subject. Mr. Buchanan then remarked: "Well, if he will merely say, he will not retain Mr. Adams. that will answer." I replied, I was satisfied, General Jackson would neither say who should, or who should not be Secretary of State-but that he, (Mr B. knew him well, and might talk with him as well as I could.--Mr, Buchanan then said, that on the next day, before the General went to the House, he would call. He did so, as I afterwards understood

In this application and interview, I felt that Mr. Buchanan was acting on the ground of anxious solicitude for the success of General Jackson, and from a desire that nothing of stratagem and management should interpose to prevent the election of one, for whom he felt more than common interest. I considered, in his zeal, he felt it to be right to defend the citadel against unlooked for assaults, and believed, consequently, that the enemy should be met with their own weapons. He may have intended to present this as the idea and opinion of others not his own. Such, indeed, may have been the case, though I cannot say I so understood him at the time.

I take occasion to repeat, that the conversation, as here given, at the request of the editor of the United States Telegraph, was afforded him in August, 1826, while he was on a visit to Tennessee. I mention this fact because the statement being in his possession, he will be enabled to say, if the one he has, and that which is here submitted, be not the same. By this circumstance, thus fortunately existing I may find safety from some of those charges which a kindly editor has already taken occasion to surmise and insinuate. The ungenerous and illiberal effort is made to excite prejudice, to forestal the public, and to awaken suspicions, through the allegation, that an attempt would be made "to discredit Mr. Buchanan, by arraying Major Eaton and others against him." before the public. On so idle an errand, and so hopeless an effort I, should exceedingly regret the necessity of being obliged to proceed; and yet, were it necessary to maintain myself on any of the demands of truth, I should certainly venture, regardless of the sayings and prophecies of any one.

Between Mr. Buchanan's statement, my own, and that of General Jackson, heretofore published, I can, as already remarked, discern no essential or material difference.

True, before I had read and particularly examined, what had been stated, I believed differences were to be found, though, that opinion no longer remains.

If there be those who desire to urge that any such do exist, and that the submitted averments are in fact unlike, I shall be free and cheerful to concede, that the mistakes are those which proceed from error of recollection, and from no other cause. I have known Mr. Buchanan too long, to place any statement of his which might be discrepant with my own, under the head of intentional error, or ascribe it to any other circumstance than inaccuracy of recollection.

I might here rest my remarks, and forbear to say more on the subject, but being in possession of some facts, which may not be considered immaterial-the tendency of which may be, to exhibit matters more fully to public consideration, I shall not conclude this presentation, without submitting them also I have already said, that a meeting was held on the 22d of January; previous to which time, the opinion of Mr. Clay and his friends were but little known -conjecture alone pointed out what probably their course would be. On the succeeding Monday, the opinion prevailed, that they had taken their ground; and in a few days afterwards Mr. Clay's military chieftain letter, as it has been styled, was written to Judge Brooke, of Virginia, of whom he speaks as a particular friend In that letter, he mentions his difficult, "highly critical" situation--the interrogation to his conscience, and the course he had resolved to pursue. Thus, to a particular friend, on the 28th of January, and not earlier, was a declaration made of the course he had concluded to take. (Why the necessity of a silence so long, and so rigidly preserved?

This Saturday evening meeting, and the course which had been resolved upon, formed generally on Monday the subject of conversation. The Senate having adjourned, General Jackson and myself were passing from the capitol, being yet within the enclosure, and near to a flight of steps leading to the avenue, when Mr, Clay, coming diagonally on our route, from the House of Representatives, passed very near, and without speaking. He was proceeding down the flight of steps in front of the building, and we were in the act of descending, when some person coming up, accosted us. At that moment, Mr Clay, turning round, observed, "how are you to day, General? with a manner some what embarrassed, as though he had just then discovered him. The salutation was returned, and Mr. Clay passed on. Immediately afterwards, General Jackson remarked to me, that Mr C. seemed disposed to pass him without speaking-my answer was, "as he has concluded to vote against you, General, I suppose he is solicitous for no further intercourse:" we dropped the subject. I had never before perceived Mr Clay thus distant with Gen Jackson, having been previously quite the reverse; and well knowing, from our near proximity at passing, that it was altogether improbable he should not have observed us. I looked to this coyness on his part, as a circumstance corroborative of what had been the reports of the day- a determination taken to support Mr. Adams.

Previous to the annunciation of this meeting on Saturday, I had not distrusted the result of the election. As regarded the course Kentucky would take even conceding the force of Mr. Clay's influence, I felt there was security in these considerations. That, so far from being any thing of good, there had been an unfriendly understanding very lately subsisting between Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay. That Mr. Adams was not the choice of Kentucky-had not been thought of nor voted for there; and of all the persons presented to the public, would probably have received the most inconsiderable suffrage in that state. That Mr. Crittenden, who stood at the head of the electoral list for Mr. Clay, and whose opinions of the preference and choice of Kentucky, I hence inferred, might have weight, had written to a

so-t Kentucky preferred Jackson, and wished him to succeed against Adams But, beside all this, the Legislature of the state had sent forth their instructions, (or request) on this subject, declaring what was to be considered the sense of the people; and I, well remembering the warm and ancient contest between Mr. Clay and Mr. Pope, on the subject of a disregard of instructions, had not supposed that the former would venture to place at nought his previous open avowals on this important political point. These were the grounds of my opinions, and of my conclusions, and they were removed, only when I understood that this meeting had been held, and the vote of Kentucky determined upon.

There were other considerations of inference and of argument. The state of N York was thought to be dependent for the course she would pursue, on the vote of a single individual Thus situated it could not be known to absolute certainty, though conjecturally it was, what finally her course would be. Maryland it was believed, would at least on the first ballot, be on the side of Mr. Adams. These two, with the six New England states, were all, with any thing of certainty could be counted on. Five were yet wanted. Louisiana and Illinois it was believed would be in favor of the same course; though as it was in opposition to the preference, indicated by the electoral colleges at home, it was asserted, that the members from those states, would not march in that direction, except in the event, that thereby the election of Mr. Adams would be rendered secure and certain. Report having urged strongly, that, on the second ballot, Maryland would secede and vote for General Jackson, it was therefore indispensably important to bring matters to a close. The whole affair then rested with Kentucky, Ohio, and Missouri. Under this state of things was it, and after that it had been ascertained, that Jackson, would make no disclosure, as to his cabinet, that the meeting of the 22d of January took place. Those who attended it, being participants in what was done, have never yet declared the particulars. I have though in my possession a communication from a gentleman, formerly of Congress, (not from this state) and heretofore the friend of Mr Clay. He gives the reason why he is no longer that friend. To a letter which was lately written to him by me, this is his reply.

"The bargain of 1825, between Messrs. Adams and Clay I remember well was really spoken of by many members of Congress, although I had no personal knowledge of any fact, which would warrant the belief, that the contract existed: besides the high estimation in which I then held Mr Clay, forbade my suspicions on any accusations not supported by positive proof; that proof was not afforded me, and I held him guiltless: Yet there were some circumstances of unfavorable appearance, and which as the friend of Mr. Clay I was sorry had existence. The circumstances to which I allude were the continued silence and lengthy reserve of Mr. Clay's friends, in publishing or letting it be known, how they would vote; and the fact that the Kentucky delegation who voted for Mr. Adams, had a meeting to determine upon their course, as I was informed by one of them: at which it was said to me, that upon the question being proposed to Mr. Clay for whom shall we vote, he answered in substance, "that in case Gen. Jackson should be elected he believed the administration with its weight would be opposed to him, to prostrate him: that should Mr A. be elected he felt satisfied it would not be so; but that he hoped no personal considerations for himself would induce them to act contrary to their desire." Upon these circumstances I have often remarked, that the first was not in character of Kentuckians, and that the last was the strongest appeal which could be made to a man's friends, and the heaviest requisition which could be levied on their attachment. Until a very short time since I had not been convinced that the bargain had been made as executed, and I even now regret that I am constrained to admit it; but believing it, I shall leave nothing undone which can be honourably performed to defeat the Coalition."

Anthony's oration over the dead body of Caesar has been greatly admired for manner, artfulness, and concealment of intended purpose; but this of Mr. Clay is quite a match for it: so pointed; and yet so modest; so retiring, and so evidently concealing its real intentions. Gentlemen you are my friends, and as such we have met. Let me not ask you to neglect your duty, or sacrifice yourselves for me: I ask nothing but your hands;-but of one thing you may rest assured--if Jackson is elected I shall be prostrated; but if Mr Adams shall be chosen, "he felt satisfied it would not be so." In the one case, there was danger to his prospects, in the other there would be none: nor was this given as an opinion formed, or belief entertained-it is of stronger import--he was satisfied there would be none. - The speech had its effect, the long agony was over, and the determination taken to move together. Thus was the whole machinery ready to operate, provided defection could be kept from its parts. And until this were effected, Mr. Clay's course was but matter of conjecture. If judgment and sound deliberation, prompted him to adopt the preference he did, certainly it does not follow, that duty demanded of him this grave and formal exercise of his influence, whereby to have controlled the opinions and votes of others. Resting on this ground of decision merely, apart from any other, and future consideration, such active zeal was forbidden by the situation in which he himself had "very lately stood, and more especially from the personal relation which he, and Mr Adams had recently occupied towards each other.

The course adopted by Mr Clay, in reference to this election, & the circumstances attending it at the time, were then as now the subject of free and censurable remark The final consummation though, did not for a time take place. Many, incredulous to mere assertion, and anxious to maintain their former favorable opinions, were willing & disposed to defer all credence until after the Inauguration, in which they should with certainty be ascertained, whether Mr Clay would be appointed to the first situation in the Cabinet. The nomination came. It was submitted to the Senate.-a vote taken, and contrary to what before, I believe, had ever happened, in reference to a Cabinet Appointment, a large number of that body (one third) found in opposition to it. Besides those there were others, unfriendly to the confirmation, but who yielded their assent on the ground that the President was amenable to the country, for a correct administration of its affairs; and that the immemorial usage of the Senate, had conceded him the right to select his Cabinet agreeably to his own wishes. It was said, if the Senate shall refuse their assent, and future mishaps arise, a strong defence to the Executive would be afforded and the President be enabled to say the Senate opposed me, and denied a right heretofore never withheld. the right of obtaining that assistance in which I had confidence, and which, it was my desire and object to procure. That the nomination though, was silently voted on, and nothing said respecting it, is not correct. A Senator in his place, addressed the chair--opposed a confirmation and presented the reasons of his objections, which were entirely in reference to Mr. Clay's course and conduct on the Presidential election. I shall not use his name nor attempt to quote his remarks, although the injunction of secrecy has been long since removed, I well remember tho' that the name of this Senator, & what he had done, and what said, were spoken of at the time publicly, and I well remember too, that no reply to him, was made or attempted, or committee of enquiry asked for. After he had taken his seat, the nomination was voted on, and carried, and the appointment confirmed. I know not what friend or member, afforded Mr. Clay the information that his nomination was not objected to in the Senate; But I do know, that he made an incorrect report.

If after a perusal of what is here written, there shall be any, disposed to maintain, that a statement, simply, of Mr. Buchanan's conversation, is all that was necessary, or proper to be presented; and that I should have gone no farther; this is my answer. It is a public matter, and one about which the country has manifested deep solicitude, it was right thence to speak what I knew. But besides this, Mr. Clay without regard to other's feelings, or concern or the injustice he might be doing, has undertaken to hold me before the public, by representing, that I had sustained a paper for the avowed object of assailing his motives, and deterring him in the exercise of his duty, for thus it seems to be read: a noble vocation indeed. Why do this? I had not interfered to interrupt Mr. Clay's repose-I had written no letter to Mr. Carter Beverly. and far as he there. had knowledge, had spoken nothing of, or concerning him. No reasonable man then, can look to me as a volunteer, in this business, or as having gone farther than even justice to myself demanded.

JOHN H. EATON.

Franklin, Ten. Sept. 12, 1827