The Fairfield News And Herald

POINTS FOR CONSIDERATION.

Messrs. Editors: In all business, trades, merchandise, banking, etc., we look around for the best, most available man, intellectually, to fill all places of importance and trust. Men in whom we can place implicit confidence as to their integrity, honesty and willingness, as shown by their actions in doing the best they can under the circumstances for the interests, or to advance the interests of the individuals, associations or the enterprise for which they have been chosen. In banks, if an officer shows that his integrity and ability is equal to the position into which his fellowmen have placed him, is he readily moved to make place for another favorite? Or is he retained as long as his efficiency redounds to the good of that bank? The latter has been the modus operandi of that institution of finance, and show me if you can a more prosperous and well-to-do set of men than those engaged in the money enterprise? None. I hold that their success is owing to—first, selecting good, efficient men to transact the affairs; second, a close attention to the manner of administering or attending to the duties incumbent upon the men whom they have entrusted to run the bank. Now if this is applicable to banks and other enterprises, why do we of Fairfield not apply the same reasoning in our political selection of men for our General Assembly? If it holds good in private enterprises, why will it not do in the selection of our legislators and Senators in whom we as a people are so closely allied? Their actions in our legislative halls affect each one of us directly. Without a doubt all measures coming before that body is or ought to be for the good of counties separately and the State at large generally. I say each county separately, meaning that a law which would work good in Charleston would do evil in the upper counties. So in selecting men to represent us in the Legislature do you not see that we should take the best and most available men we have. When we have done that, and find out by their actions in the law-making body of our State that they are of a high tone of duty, not only to their constituents at home, but to the State as a whole, would it be a wise policy to change them or either of them at the next general election which follows? By substituting Mr. B., who has never sat in the Legislature, and certainly will be a mere figure head for the first term (so other intelligent statesmen have proclaimed), for Mr. A., who has served one or two terms and thereby gotten into the manner that the schemes are worked before that body. Schemes—yes, many—and if not met by men who can compete by having a knowledge of the manner in which things or measures are passed, why, the bill, never mind what is its nature, can never be defeated by "new men" alone. Why has three counties in South Carolina such a wielding influence in our Legislature as they have? Is it because they change their Representatives and Senators every term? No, sir; they keep their Brawley, Simons, Smythe, Murray and such other men there. Why? Because they are intelligent, trustworthy gentlemen who look closely after the welfare of their constituents, and by being kept there session after session have become informed in governmental affairs to such an extent that they can snuff danger to their respective counties in any measure brought up apparently for the good of all. Now form a committee of the House of nine members, three of them old members, five of them new, the chairman, of course, an old member, then suppose a bill to be before that committee; on the one side of which an argument is made by a railroad magnate; he, of course, is a very shrewd, cunning gentleman; he certainly has his plans, drafts, etc., ingeniously prepared to gain the ear of the committee; moreover, he will spare no pains, not even if he has to secure the assistance of officials in the building, to work on the members of that committee so as to gain his point by carrying a majority of the votes in his favor. Under such circumstances how will new men stand, inexperienced as they are, in comparison with the older members? Could they detect an effort of the shrewd railroad man in trying to get their vote, simply because it would cause the railroad to spend a few thousand dollars in constructing a draw-bridge across a stream so as to enable steamboats to ascend or descend it, carrying freights from one point to another, thereby benefiting the poor farmer to a greater extent than damaging the railroad in the change made? I have been informed that such an affair has taken place before one of our Legislatures of not so long ago, and but for the old members and the chairman the shrewd railroad magnate would have gained his point and the cheapening of freights by a water traffic to the city would have been defeated. Then ought we not to look closely into the merits of all whom we send to our General Assembly? If those there are not the right men, let us replace them by better men, if we have them, even if we are forced to compel some who have been there to return, notwithstanding their refusals, should they do so. Vice versa, if those there have done their duty, then I am the last man to detract aught from them, and say, "Well done, faithful servant, enter thou again." 'Tis not an idle thought to begin to look closely in all of the acts of our public men. Fairfield will certainly be benefitted by it. We have seen some of the effects of the wrong man being in the right place. May it never occur again with noble old FAIRFIELD.