Rhode Island Republican

For the Rhode-Island Republican.

LORD there's a house on fire! says he who is contriving to pick a man's pocket. Behold here the image of democracy! (after depicting a figure that would terrify a Hottentot) cries he who is studying to elevate himself by a system of intrigue, and a series of machinations. The pick-pocket, who had thus riled the pure of his neighbor, would among his associates, vaunt in his own dexterity. I accomplished my purpose, says he, in a most masterly manner. His eyes, & his senses, were wandering afar, in wild surprise, by means of my alarming salutation; nor did he perceive; when, by sleight of hand, I filched from him the precious pennies he had saved! And thus it is with the political windler, who designingly would beat an alarm that might confuse and confound the reflective senses of mankind, for the sole end of advancing himself, and his private friends, into power, and profit.
It is the purpose of our present contemplations to enquire relative to the real origin, and true object of the "Bill L," which was the subject of the last number, and which the Connecticut papers have imputed to a democratic member of the Legislature of Rhode Island, attended with such pointed epithets of acrimonious animosity. Five propositions were laid down in the sequel of our last, as the result of the most diligent enquiry. Having waited a convenient time in order that, if they had not been well founded, and according with the fact, they might be denied in the whole, or in part; and no such denial having been made, or attempted, we shall proceed, and comment on such of them as seem to need a comment.
The first of those propositions, stated, that the famous "bill" beforementioned, was the bantling of a vigorous, and hot-headed federalist. A federalist, perhaps, would vauntingly ask how is it possible? Is it (he would say) marked with the least feature of our character? Does it evidence the disposition you would impute to us, as a body, of monopolizing within ourselves all the advantages of society, and government, and of converting the other, though far greater portion of mankind, to mere instruments for our own convenience? Does it not on the contrary embrace the very principle which we most strongly reprobate, by its declarative tendency to level the necessary distinctions, and introduce that hateful principle of absolute "equality," against which we have so arduously, and as we conceive meritoriously labored? We have only to answer that such is the fact, and it remains to be accounted for.
This it is obvious is a political problem, and, therefore, for the solution of it we are to resort to political views. As in mathematics it is frequently necessary to reduce one position to an absurdity (called according to the technical phraseology reductio ad absurdum) in order to establish by demonstration the truth of an opposite one; so the devotees of the monarchical system, under the disguise of friends to an energetic government, have considered it expedient for the final gratification of their wishes, to reduce republicanism to an absurdity, or (to use the most appropriate words of Mr. Adams) to render every thing appertaining to it "a
kennel as a witch." Hence they have constantly sought to clothe it in the most odious colours; and to attribute to it all the evil incident to ignorance, anarchy, and barbarity. In proportion as they are enabled to saddle it with odium, and to render it disgusting and obnoxious, they hope to see the brazen crest of Aristocracy elevated, and confirmed: Who is not aware of the manifold devices that have been invented tributary to this purpose? And do we not spontaneously recognize this self-same "Bill" as one, and not the least of those devices? We remember (he says) the Continuation of a "Republican Government depends on Supporting the principles of equality: Be it therefore further Enacted, That forever hereafter, at the end of thirteen years respectively, there shall be a general abolition of debts, and an equal distribution of property which has." In which last clause are here combined the most salutary principles with the most pernicious effects.
In the first place, republicanism is insidiously connected with a vague notion of equality: and then this Statite equality is by a practical argument set in operation to destroy every incentive to industry, and improvement in society. If debts are to be abolished, credit is annihilated! Credit is the soul of commerce: Commerce is the very essence of prosperity in every country. If debts are to be abolished at stated periods of time, The obligation of contracts is thereby impaired: But a conscientious observance, and religious fulfilment of contracts is the first rudiment and elementary principle of morality; and to impair the obligation of contracts is to violate the constitution. If once in thirteen years there is to be an equal distribution of property, who will be found exerting himself to acquire it? Will genius be seen any where portrayed on the workmanship of its hands? Will not the lofty and majestic edifice, which lifts its graceful turret to
adorn the world, fall into ruin and min le with the dust? Will not those personal embellishments which every where inspire delight, and that mild and mellifluent influence which gilds the enchanting realms of female beauty and excellence, languish and expire? and every noble faculty and sentiment of the Soul become dormant and extinct? These reflections are so obvious that they escape no mind.
Now, say the federalist, here is the ultimate consequences of your boasted "liberty and equality!" Do you not see is at work? Do you not here trace its footsteps? and are you so stupid as not to perceive its tendency? Having, by a modest shift of political ventriloquism, thus inspired the tongue of an imaginary democrat, they have only to invoke upon him the execration of all; and to extend the anathema to every species of republican-sentiment.
We need not undertake to define, what we are in the habit of understanding by the word "equality" in a political and republican sense. It must be plain to every one who has bestowed the least attention on the subject: Nor can the hacknied legerdemain of State juggler, & windling politicians, so far vacate the common sense of mankind, as to render them forgetful of their importance and merited priority in matters of civil discipline, and government. Being able to make the true distinctions; and perceiving with a just discernment the nature, and scope of those views which are bent upon hunting them from the earth, the great body of the people, the mass of mankind, whose peculiar property they are, and whose paramount interest it is to cherish and promote them, will ever be found prepared, and ready to adhere to this interest—and to tender this support.
The second & third propositions, stated in being warranted by fact, were, that the aforesaid "bill" never was introduced into the Legislature any further than was necessary to render it a topic of conversation: and that when this purpose (which was undoubtedly the very purpose for which it was created and made) was answered, it suddenly vanished.
The concluding paragraph of that "bill" is as follows: "And Whereas there may be Some so bold and daring as to attempt the payment of debts, notwithstanding the good intentions of this General Assembly!; Be it therefore further enacted, That every person offending herein, shall, for every offence, receive thirty-nine lashes, and be closely confined in gaol for the space of six months, upon conviction before justice of the peace or warden; and shall moreover forfeit his proportion of property, to be distributed as aforesaid!"
It will be readily perceived that that "bill" was in no respect calculated to heat the light longer it is not, therefore, difficult to account for its sudden disappearance. And it most frequently, and very fortunately happens, that matters of collusion, connivance, and deceit, are pregnant with miscarriage. What the particular turn given to this "bill" at the period of its generation, was, is difficult to determine. We cannot learn that it met with any advocate—either in or out of the Legislature. It was however most probably intended as a counterpart to a certain declamatory address, introduced into the Legislature. (not "by a democratic member") in approbation of certain high toned measures of the general Government. When this address was about to be voted, a member on the high-toned side of the house, which constituted at that time a very large majority of it, Solicitous of unanimity on that great question (as he termed it) but up, and in the face of a crowded auditory, gravely observed—that the question (which they were about to take the sense of the House upon, was an important one in various points of view: That he wished, for the honor of the Legislature, and of the State, the most perfect unanimity, to be transmitted in deciding it: That he was sorry to say there were two or three, Jacobins in the house who he feared would evidence their disorganizing principles, in bestowing a rude and wanton negative upon the proposed address: That still, however, he was not without some hope that their decency would restrain them from so doing. So that the contemplated offering might thereafter be reported as the unanimous voice of the Legislature of Rhode-Island.
Now were not these sentiments, thus expressed, worthy partners in the d---l: which has so recently been vamped up and re-tendered in the consuming Rat of Connecticut, the natural (I will not say legitimate) offspring of the two crooked, and conniving policy? Are they not equally: and both admirably calculated to disparage, and exterminate the cause which Philosophy: and experience both declare is best adapted to the protection, comfort and felicity of men under the institutions of civil society—? and to beat out, and cow down the friends, and Sup porters of that cause? What wild alarms intrude, the mind, when we consider how many fragments of this nature have been invented to baste, and defraud the body of the community of their equal, inalienable, and unquestionable rights; of that liberty which equality sanctifies: and of that equality which liberty guarantees.
CRISIS.