Martinsburg Gazette

Correspondence of the New York Star

TURKEY.

St. Petersburgh, July 12.

Late last night a courier arrived in this city from Constantinople, with dispatches from M. de Boutenieff. I should rather say that the courier, who travelled with the greatest speed, arrived at Isarkoe-Gelo. He had been dispatched on June 30, the same day on which the Sultan died, and had accomplished the distance between Constantinople and St. Petersburgh in seven days.

The dispatches were immediately opened by the Emperor himself, who instantly sat down and wrote summonses to Count Nesselrode, and to Ocloff Ischernichief, and Baron de Ruckman. They left this city at midnight. Nesselrode, I should have told you, is Foreign Minister; de Ruckman is Minister of War. The Council sat until four o'clock this morning, when Baron de Ruckman was dispatched back to St. Petersburgh. Immediately he sent off several officers of high rank to the South—In all the departments, the greatest activity is perceptible. Couriers have quitted to-day—all for the South. Some of them bear orders touching the fleet in the Black Sea.

A great movement is evidently in agitation.—What it may be we cannot do more than surmise. In truth, nothing can be done until the Emperor has further news from Constantinople. The city is full of rumors, and I shall not pretend to deny that the impression is strongly to the effect that a war is inevitable. All that this augurs is, that further taxes shall be required. The report tells us that Count Orloff, (who resided in Constantinople for two years at one time) will instantly return there, bearer of a special mission to the new Sultan. Another gives it out that the Baron de Ruckman will also go thither, via Moldavia and Wallachia. If Orloff goes, it will be by way of Odessa.

The courier who brought the news of the Sultan's death, did not leave Constantinople until after his successor had been proclaimed. Sultan Mahmoud died early on the morning of June 30: he was buried at 5 the same afternoon, and the funeral procession is said to have been a mournful one, as the inhabitants sincerely regret their Sovereign. The new Sultan has ascended the throne without any bloodshed. This, for Turkey, is wonderful. What his character may be, events will show; but I believe it is known that he is much influenced by Lord Ponsonby, the English Ambassador. Of course, then, he cannot be very much enamored of Russian policy—especially if he remember how detrimental it has been to his country since the time of that great, bad woman, the Empress Catherine.

The death of the Sultan had been anticipated here—although not so soon—and therefore the Emperor Nicholas cannot be taken by surprise. But he is puzzled how to act, and is said to have expressed the greatest anger because M. de Boutenieff sent him a very brief note about the Sultan's death. He says that, the moment it took place, a courier should have been despatched to him—and another when the funeral was over, and one every day until the necessity for doing so was over. There is some truth in this, and I don't wonder that the Imperial temper is ruffled.

I am ashamed to send you a letter confined, as this must be, to a fact or two, and a few speculations. It goes to England in the Ambassador's bag, and thus will have a safer and swifter transmission than by the post.

Russia, it is expected here, will oppose by all direct and indirect means all that can weaken the influence and authority she has hitherto exercised in the affairs of the East. The influence which Lord Ponsonby is believed to have over the mind of the Sultan is to be broken down. In a word, we believe that the Emperor will desire Count Oloff plainly to tell the Sultan that he must choose between Russia and England;—that is, should the Sultan cling by England, he must be prepared to see Russia assist Egypt, make a league between the Syrians, Egyptians, Maronites, and Druses, and proclaim the Pacha independent. Lord Ponsonby's plan is to tempt Mehemit Ali to surrender Syria to Turkey, on condition that he be acknowledged the ruler of Egypt, with that pachalic to him and his heirs for ever—to have the throne of the Pharaohs, in fact.

England is getting the supremacy at Constantinople, and France at Alexandria, and Russia will not allow this. A military demonstration, if necessary, will be made, to frighten Turkey into terms. Here it is not anticipated that any interference on the part of Russia can drive England to arms. The Emperor has spies—Englishmen, in stations where they cannot be suspected—and knows from them that England has an increasing expenditure, decreasing revenue, and discontented populace. He calculates, also, that the Whigs will do anything to avoid war, as that must cause additional taxation, and they are not anxious to incur that chance of unpopularity. All this is not very flattering to Great Britain, but it is the feeling here.

The Russian people are so essentially military (for a nobleman is less thought of than the youngest officer) that a war would be popular with all but the shop-keepers and serfs—who have no voice whatever in the case, as the government is absolute.

The national desire undoubtedly is to push for conquest in the south. Such was the design of Catherine when she sent Suwarrow to Turkey—and it now is certain that one of the secret articles of the Treaty of Tilsit in 1807, provided for the annexation of much of Turkey to Russia. France was to have Greece, Austria was to have Servia, and Russia was to have Turkey Proper. The encroachments of Russia since then have been constant—when Russia can defy combined Europe, she will try and include Turkey within the circle of her diadem. If Turkey should give the preference to the English Alliance, Nicholas will doubtless aid Mehemet Ali, and blockade the mouth of the Dardanelles.

I could write more, but my speculations can be of little value. Nor should I have written now but for the safe means of transmission. This letter tells nothing but the truth, yet were it seen in Russia, I dare say I should very speedily find myself on the way to Siberia!