The Liberator

SCENES IN LONDON.

Mr. Stevenson—and Mr. O'Connell.

Long's Hotel, London, Aug. 15, 1838.

Dear Sir—Knowing the deep interest which you feel in everything which concerns the American Minister, I hasten to inclose to you by the packet of to-morrow from Liverpool, his correspondence with Mr. O'Connell.

'You will of course have seen the reported brutal outrage, which this Irish Caliban made on both our country and Mr. Stevenson, on the first of August, at Birmingham, where the abolition of the negro apprenticeship in the British West Indies was celebrated with very extraordinary manifestations of blackguardism and abuse.

The moment Mr. Stevenson read Mr. O'Connell's speech, he hastened to my lodgings, and requested me to convey such a message to Mr. O'Connell, as should leave no doubt of its import. As I was perfectly aware, if he placed himself in the hands of this patriot (who is as false to his friends, as he is mean and treacherous to his enemies,) some unfair advantage would be taken, and that if Mr. S. and myself were not handed over to the police, a message would only irritate a fresh cataract of Billingsgate from the most copious fountain of low vituperation anywhere to be found in her majesty's dominions—in this stage of the proceeding, I was so fortunate as to have the counsels of that gallant and intelligent officer of our Navy, Capt. Matthew C. Perry, and of Dr. M'Cauley, of Maryland, a gentleman who is also so highly esteemed and so advantageously known by us all at home, who both happened accidentally to be in London.

The gentlemen suggested to me, from a much better knowledge of Mr. O'Connell's character than I possessed myself, that he ought to be approached in the form of an enquiry, in the first instance, whether the report of his speech was correct—and if he avowed it, that then I should wait upon him with an open letter, to ask whether he held himself responsible, according to the sense in which such responsibility is acknowledged, for an outrage unprovoked and monstrous upon the feeling of a gentleman bearing so high and distinguished a personal and official relation to his own Government, as the Minister of the United States. If he did avow such a responsibility, at once to tender him a peremptory challenge, without an 'if' or 'but' in the whole context, in strict conformity to the instructions of my principal.

As Mr. O'Connell, however, had publicly avowed, from the fact of his once having accidentally killed his man, (free doubtless of even the crime of homicide, as I question from his valor, whether he ever took sight at his opponent) that he will not fight, whilst he claims a special immunity and impunity to abuse every man not alone in the United Kingdom, but in the whole world; I was satisfied that no satisfaction could have been obtained even by this course. I therefore readily consented to a plan, which enabled Mr. O'C. to lie himself out of the difficulty—which he has successfully accomplished at an expense, which, considering the small amount of character which the Rint Master of Ireland has left, he could ill afford.

That Mr. O'Connell not only used the language reported and attributed to him in the London Sun and Spectator, but was more offensive, there can be no doubt.

I shall not leave England, without going to Birmingham, investigating the facts, and fixing the Lie upon his brass in indelible characters. Indeed, it is said that he made, likewise, in his speech, an outrageous attack on the character of the great Parent of our country—a man, the purity of whose memory is outraged by the very approach of such a vulgar miscreant as O'Connell unquestionably is.

Many very worthy persons in our own country, who are ever very sensitive on all subjects connected with a delicate sense of honor, may share with the universal sentiment of England, that a man, who, like O'Connell, has been voted by a large majority of the House of Commons, a public calumniator, is beneath the notice of a gentleman; and I assure you, this opinion is beginning to obtain such general authority here, that no member of Parliament would any more think of calling the Great Beggar-man out, than the shabby mendicant who stands at the door of St. Stephens, and begs 'your honor for a penny.' But, both Mr. Stevenson and myself, know what Virginia asks and expects of her sons: at least that they should at all times show a willingness to resent any indignity offered abroad to their country in their own person.

If the correspondence had taken a turn which would have rendered it necessary for me in person to have borne a message to Mr. O'Connell for Mr. Stevenson, I had determined to have taken Capt. Perry with me as a witness; for O'Connell is, I am told, always surrounded by a goodly portion of his tail, in the shape of ruffians, only inferior in brutality to their great prototype. Without provoking the slightest aggression on our feelings or persons, we should nevertheless have been prepared to have met it. We should have endeavored in this contingency to have made ourselves as ugly customers as possible, to the immaculate patriot and his disciples—to which we would have had some claim, as both Capt. Perry and myself have in avoirdupois, about as much Irish blood in our veins as the august Milesian himself.

If, however, in an Irish scrimmage, I had accidentally stopped his wind, I feel satisfied my escape would have been connived at by the English people; for, I should have entitled myself by this act to their everlasting gratitude, for expelling, in self-defence, one of the greatest pests with which, in His inscrutable wisdom, the Almighty has been pleased to inflict on the British Empire—a man, who, having extorted rent money from the poor deluded paupers of his own country, is selling for a large sized lump of Whig patronage in Ireland, the interests of a people he has dishonored and betrayed.

I feel that I owe you an apology for using such abuse against this man. But is not our country and countrymen the theme of his perpetual, unceasing scandal, more foul and audacious than the civilized world has ever yet witnessed? If Ishmael strikes, shall we not strike too? No—Christian charity itself would pardon a retaliation so provoked and so justifiable.

I need not say that our friend has, in this, under all the circumstances of the case, acted in all respects in a manner worthy of the old Commonwealth from which he came.

I remain, dear Sir,

With sincere esteem,

Very respectfully,

Your obd't servant,

J. HAMILTON, of S. C.

The foregoing letter was addressed to the editor of the Richmond Enquirer. Its author was late Governor of South Carolina! No upright man can peruse it without feeling a thrill of horror shoot through his veins; for its language is that of a ruffian and an assassin.