National Republican (Washington City

JEFFERSON DAVIS.

His Reasons for Declining a Return to the Senate.

His Disabilities Not Yet Removed—A Denial of Them Would be a National Affront to the State—Adherence to His State-Rights Doctrines—He Declines to Make Himself a Martyr.

Jeff Davis' Last Letter.

The following letter was written by Hon. Jefferson Davis in reply to one addressed him by the editor of the Brookhaven Ledger, asking if he would consent to allow his name to go before the next legislature for the office of United States Senator, stating that he believed it was the wish of a majority of the people of Mississippi to return him to the position he held at the breaking out of the war between the States:

Beauvoir P. O., Miss., August 29, 1879.

R. H. Henry, Esq., Editor Brookhaven Ledger:

My Dear Sir: To your inquiry I might succinctly reply that I am not a candidate for the office of United States Senator of Mississippi, and do not desire to be elected to that position. Your uniform friendship and early advocacy of me for that high station entitle you to a full statement of the reasons which control me in this matter.

Assuming what, in view of recent events, is by no means probable, that the requisite majority of Congress would remove my political disabilities and thus spare our State the affront of denying to her the right to choose her own Representative, I proceed to consider the case hypothetically presented.

Holding that the personal wishes or private advantage of an individual should not enter into his selection for a public trust, I do not feel the loss gratefully appreciate the generous preference for me which you give assurance is entertained by a majority of the people of Mississippi. The best return I can make for such kindness is to insist that the only consideration shall be as to what will best promote the welfare and prosperity of the State.

The vital issue before the country is the contest between State Rights and consolidation. Or, in other words, between the Constitution as it was adopted and interpreted by the fathers, or the unrestricted will of the majority. The first is liberty: the last is despotism. The supremacy of law is indispensable to the preservation of popular freedom, and whether the ruler, who is a law unto himself, be one man or a multitude, the result is alike a despotism.

The checks and balances, the distribution of powers and the cautious reservation in the tenth article of the amendments, which were as conditions annexed to the compact between the States, all distinctly show the purpose to organize a general Government which should be responsible to the States and their people. Surely, the blood of the Revolution had not been shed merely to effect a change of masters. It was for self-government that the States declared their independence, and fought until they were severally acknowledged to be free and independent nations.

Thoroughly convinced that the restoration of the ideas and practices of the founders and early administrators of the General Government is the one thing essential to secure the liberty, safety and happiness of the people of the States and their posterity, the point for deliberation before answering your question was, whether I could, as a United States Senator, be useful in attaining that end. The other political questions which agitate the country are, in my estimation, so subordinate that I think, after the contemplated restoration, they could all be easily and happily adjusted.

Taking as far as one may in a matter affecting himself, the attitude of a disinterested party in this discussion, I will first remark, what is equally known to you, that in the Northern mind there is an unreasoning opposition to the doctrine of State Rights; and that my assertion of it, with whatever conclusions were necessarily deducible therefrom, has made me the special object of sectional hostility. It has therefore followed that others could say, without creating excitement, that which, if uttered by me, would be swollen and distorted for uses in partisan agitation. The future of the country needs that there should be calm reflection, and by the light of history the relation of the States to the Union be justly and permanently determined.

Sooner or later the principles to which reference has been made, will, I trust, by the force of their inherent truth, vindicate themselves to the common sense of our countrymen of every section. To hasten the consummation, Mississippi has many sons abler than I. From among them let one be selected who has no political "disabilities" to obstruct his admittance to the Senate, and against whom there are no bitter prejudices to impair his usefulness.

Did I desire to return to political life, the considerations herein presented would outweigh that desire. But the fact is the reverse. Personally, therefore, while I am grateful to you for your advocacy, I do not wish to re-enter the United States Senate. To the public considerations given might be added private reasons, which, conjointly, under existing circumstances, render me averse to public station. You are authorized to announce that my name will not be, with my consent, included among the candidates for the United States Senate to represent Mississippi in that body.

From youth to age it has been my pride to represent Mississippi in military and in civil service; and I would that all her sons should realize that it is her interest which dictates my present decision.

Faithfully your friend,

Jefferson Davis.