Daily National Intelligencer

ON THE STATE OF FRANCE.

The most prominent article in the European affairs which has been reported to us, is the military possession of France by the allies. In this military government, all the departments of the troops of the respective princes are described, that no interference might arise. The system is to be as uniform throughout the kingdom as the nature of the kingdom and the character of the troops will admit. The authorities of the king are to be acknowledged wherever constituted by the laws, and a commission is appointed to confer with a commission of the king, upon all subjects in which their co-operation or separate powers may require. The military contributions are to be accommodated to some method, but as the system is in project only, it is impossible to conceive what may be its execution. It is apparent that it has not the full approbation of the nation, whatever submission may be thought necessary, and it is feared in its operation it may produce new evils in France. Some opinions are, that sufficient respect is not publicly paid to the king, to secure his authority. The French have not been accustomed to see their prince under the restraints even of laws, and will be more jealous as the royal authority is controlled by foreign force. The circumstances of the kingdom require an uncommon attention to this national habit, arising from the character of the French people. The three continental powers are well acquainted with the advantages of military possession, as it was the expedient by which, in the view of all Europe, they made an actual partition of one of the greatest kingdoms that ever was in it We refer to the first partition of Poland, which ended in the destruction of its political existence It must be confessed the condition of Poland had invited the ambition by which it suffered; the artifice may. however instruct us in the danger. Poland had never comprehended what causes could possibly unite its neighbors. It forgot that ambition is boundless but by its power. Perhaps Poland could remember its former superiority, if not dominion over its neighbors. It had seen all their growth, and was in full strength in their infancy. It remembers also that almost at pleasure it has secured by the faith of nations every thing dear to a free people. But these advantages were not its safety To Prussia has been attributed the plan of partition. The least glance on the map might convince any observer how important a part of Poland would be to the unity of the Prussian territory. Prussia did not, however, forget all civil right. The evils from a communication with a country visited by the plague, were serious to its population, and much more alarming to prejudices. Troops could, with general consent, be employed to prevent evils of this nature and magnitude. Possession being gained, it was now convenient to reconcile this to the interest of very powerful neighbors, and the best method was, to teach them how to profit by it. This was not a difficult work to accomplish, where the proofs were so evident. The same plea could be justified in one neighbor, as well as in another, and Austria has as complete possession of the country as it desired. It now remained to reconcile Russia by a generous offer of an ample share of the kingdom, and to prepare for the event, to dispose of all the military affairs of Europe, so as to unite the Russian interest in every point with this bold design. Every thing was given up to the hopes of success, and the whole work was finished. With the other powers it was thought best to observe a profound secrecy, so that the work might be accomplished before any other nation could remonstrate or interfere. The military possession prevented any combinations which could become dangerous. The first appearances of discontent were resisted. The Polish authorities were summoned to ratify the claims. Remonstrances from Courts came on, the King of Poland represented the necessity of submission, and with many threatening the diet with much reluctance, and by a single vote, acquiesced. The fact has been reported through the world, and Prussia has had its full share of reproach. But opinion never prevented any other measures which the same ambition and power could accomplish. The military possession was the public notice of the fate of Poland. This is not the first event in military history to indicate the same subject. A Roman garrison was well known to express Roman dominion, and the little states of Greece required no interpreter of such an event. Saul, in Hebrew history, knew what a garrison of Philistines could intend. David had his garrisons in Syria, and the Syrians were servants to David, and were under requisitions. David did the same in Edom at the same time, in the fullness of his power. And the kings of Judah understood the policy when they placed their garrisons in the territory of Judah. No alarm was ever greater than was felt in our own country when we found a military force in our great cities. No measure could be more destructive of the public confidence, or urge the people more powerfully to resistance and violence. In Poland we never have heard that the English contemplated military possession, but when a jealousy of Russian measures did permit, a plan of commercial wealth through Dantzic soon appeared. It was to open a communication between the Baltic and Black seas, and discover an enlightened view of every commercial advantage which this country could embrace. Poland was too far from England, but in France it was always thought prudent to connect military with commercial strength. At the present period, when England has again a military force in France, an event never expected even by themselves in the present age, we cannot refuse to recollect how much has been done in former wars to extend and maintain that possession. It is well known that it is but at a very late date that the British titles did not embrace France as a British dominion. The last title has rejected the pretence, which would not probably have been renounced, could the events of the present year have been expected from any policy which Europe could dare to adopt. In distant periods the English Princes claimed the throne of France, and the hopes of succession produced long and bloody wars. But the English lost Normandy and Guyenne in the fourteenth century. In the 16th they lost Boulogne. In return for the vexations of former ages, the French held a pretender to the Crown of England, while the English continued to keep their claims on France The power of France was so great under Lewis XIV. that these claims seemed to be annihilated. The French in that memorable reign extended their dominions to the Rhine, adding territory at every point at which they touched upon other territories. At present the British claims are lost in those of the new kingdom which is to embrace the Netherlands, and it is even said in the order which did precede the time of Charles V. In making requisitions for this new kingdom, France will be deprived of its best provinces upon the Atlantic, and the present disposition of these countries will be favorable to such future arrangements as may yield Normandy, and Brittany at length to other powers than those of France. The command of the channel has not been overlooked by the British Empire, and it will be no diminution of its strength to have other continental possessions than that of Gibraltar, & some territory near its favorite islands on the coasts of Europe. The extraordinary course of events, if it continued to humble France, will remove all appearance of distance from these great revolutions in the kingdoms of Europe.

From France we learn that the subjection becomes daily more evident. The fleet at Toulon has surrendered, and many persons who had taken refuge at this place had retired, and among others is named the late King of Naples. It must however be remembered that the submission is slow, when we recollect what great military force is employed to accomplish it. That whilst it is the purpose to disarm the French, some do still remain in open arms against the present establishment. That the hopes of an entire quiet are not reconciled to the present state of France, and that a yet greater emigration is thought favorable to their domestic tranquility. Many have leave to depart. It is found also that in the military stations the foreign troops, after all the regulations, do discover a disposition to take their own way. And though much is said in praise of the Emperor of Russia, much less is said of his troops. The Prussians have proved vindictive, though more quiet than at their first entrance upon France. The English find in the French all their ancient prejudices, and the Austrians often suffer by the acts of violence which the French commit, when any of their soldiers are in their power. When we find the French expecting all the expences of the war, and a diminution of territory, at the same time the presence of foreign troops is hateful to their pride, as well as contrary to their habits, we shall not expect a speedy end to the national disquiets and the worst of calamities.