Columbus Democrat

MEN, NOT PRINCIPLES.

This is the appropriate motto of the opposition.—Their avowed object is success, by what men, or what means achieved, it matters not.—They proclaim that it is of no importance who is their candidate for the Presidency, provided he be available, which is the sole qualification demanded. The facility with which they adopt or drop a candidate, would be amusing, were it not culpable. They are wholly regardless of his opinions—in fact, take little pains to inquire into them. Hostility to the Republican Administration is their sole bond of union, and stands in lieu of all those cardinal principles upon which an honest and consistent party can alone ground itself. But their indifference to principle is even more flagrant. They are willing to take a man whose doctrines, in every important particular, coincide with those of the Administration which they attack, and for holding which, it has for years been the object of their unrelenting hostility. This is manifested in the late election of speaker. They proclaim as a triumph, the choice of a gentleman whose political principles differ as widely as the poles, from those which they entertain. About this there is, there can be, no mistake. The opinions of Mr. Hunter have been too frequently and frankly proclaimed to admit of the slightest uncertainty. His pride is to have been bred in the school of Jeffersonian Republicanism. His whole course before the people, in the Legislature of Virginia, and in Congress, proves the sincerity of his devotion to those doctrines of which Federal Whiggery is the antipodes. He is a constructionist of the straightest sect; he is opposed to a protective tariff, and a National Bank. He is against Internal Improvements by the General Government; he is, to use his own phrase, in favor of a "divorce between the Government and all banks;" he is one of the noblest, as he was one of the earliest, advocates of an Independent Treasury. Quotations from his published speeches, &c. might be multiplied in proof of these assertions of his political orthodoxy.

The opposition denounce the Administration for its refusal to establish a Bank, Mr. Hunter is amenable to the same charge.

"I shall pause," he observes, "but a moment, to consider the expediency of a National Bank, which has been suggested by some as affording the means of immediate relief. If this were so, the suggestion would be useless to those who, like myself, believe that it is demonstrable, and that it has often been demonstrated, that we have no power under the Constitution to charter such a bank. But for one I believe that no such effect would flow from such an institution."

The opposition accuse the Government of causing the sufferings of the country, by means of the Specie Circular, hostility to the banks, merchants, &c. Mr. Hunter not only did not join in this senseless clamor, but attributed the effect to far other causes; to the system in fact, which the opposition sustain.

"After much consideration," remarks he, "I have come to the conclusion that the present and past commercial distresses have been mainly produced by the American banking system; a system which, by the law of its creation hurries to its downfall as the necessary result of its own action, and this catastrophe is only hastened by the excitement of the connection between it and the Government."

The opposition denounce the Administration for wishing to dissolve the fatal connection which has bound together the Government and banking institutions. If there be guilt in this, Mr. Hunter is equally involved.

"As one of the means of effecting this gradual reform," he remarks, "I propose a divorce between the Government and all banks. I propose it, sir, as a measure required by public interest, and ultimately beneficial to the banks themselves. The deposits of public moneys, upon which these institutions trade, and the credit given to their paper by means of its receipt in public dues, only serve to stimulate an action already false in its nature, and tends but to hasten the round of expansion and contraction which they are ever performing. In that point of view the connection is injurious alike to the Government, the People, and the Banks."

Yet, for holding these opinions, innocent and even praiseworthy in Mr. Hunter, the administration is denounced as recommending an odious Sub-Treasury, of warring upon commerce and credit, of returning to barbarism, as wishing to establish a Government Bank, as actuated by a deliberate design of sapping the foundations of public prosperity.

The President is accused of wishing to augment Executive patronage, by dissolving all connection with Banks, State or National, and this is one of the principle grounds, or rather pretences, of Whig hostility. Hear, again, what Mr. Hunter says upon this subject:

"I have always regarded the connection between Bank and State in this country, as a conjunction most ominous to our liberties. Use the public money to buy up the State Banks, for the use of this Government, or of its Executive branch, and you at once convert them into political engines—you deprive the States of the control of their own institutions, and you place the people under the dominion of a league of corporate influences. Endow a moneyed corporation with the functions of Government, and you behold at once the most ruthless of all despotisms."

We introduce those quotations to give the public some idea of what is called Whig triumphs. If their joy is sincere, it proves that their opposition to the Administration is solely factious and personal.

We are satisfied with the principles of Mr. Hunter, and from our knowledge of his character, we have a right to believe that his acts will be in conformity therewith. He knows the sentiments of the majority of the House and of the people. With these sentiments he cordially agrees, and the fact was known to those who gave him their votes, after vainly endeavoring to elevate to the Chair men of entirely opposite principles. He has proclaimed his intention not to be a party Speaker; he has declared that he would "sustain the principles upon which he stands pledged before the country." We have a right, from his character, to expect that he will act in conformity with those principles. If in the discharge of his delicate and responsible duties, particularly the organization of the House or the purposes of business, he is fairly the exponent of his principles and those which prevail in Congress and among the people—if he looks with a single eye to the public good and convenience, he will not only be able to serve the country effectually, but add much to the reputation which he has so honorably achieved.—Globe