Richmond Enquirer

have not been very grossly deceived in the general character of his political opinions, would revolt at the excesses to which your society is now prepared to go. On that occasion he is reported to have said among other things, That it had been properly observed by the chairman, as well as by the gentleman from this district, (Mr. Caldwell) that there was nothing in the proposition submitted to consideration, which in the smallest degree touches another very important and delicate question, which ought to be left as much out of view as possible. But Mr. Randolph said it appeared to him, that it had not been sufficiently dwelt on, with a view to obtain the co-operation of all the citizens; not only, that this meeting does not in any wise affect the question of negro slavery, but as far as it goes, must materially tend to secure the property of every master in the U. S. in and over such slaves. It appeared to him, this aspect of the question had not been sufficiently presented to the public mind.'--And after going on to point out the pernicious effect of the free negro population on our slaves, he closes by these further remarks.—'He would conclude by saying, that he had thought it necessary to make these remarks, being a slave-holder himself; to shew that so far from being connected with the abolition of slavery, the measure proposed would prove one of the greatest securities to enable the master to keep in possession his own property.' But this is not all. Mr. Francis Key (of the district and one of the present managers of the society,) 'Suggested that with a view to exempt the object of the meeting from the possibility of misapprehension, there should be inserted in the resolves, an express declamation of any intention of the proposed association, to touch the question of the abolition of slavery.' The chairman, Mr. Clay 'remarked, that such a clause, would better enter into the articles of the association when formed.' To which Mr. Key assented. After such an unequivocal and solemn disclaimer, by the founders of your institution, of any intention to interfere with the subject of slavery, what must be the astonishment of all reflecting men, when they perceive your society in its corporate character, and your numerous votaries in their wide spread operations through the country, within the short space of a few years, openly avowing and propagating doctrines leading directly to the general abolition of slavery? Shall I be again called on to furnish the proof that this is one of your objects? Already has that most unpleasant duty been performed, in my last communication to the Auxiliary Society of Powhatan. But if further proof is wanted, let me refer you to a whole chapter under the head of Appendix G. attached to the 3rd Annual Report of your society: gravely penned and made up of different extracts, from the speeches and communications of your members, to prove that this was one of your objects. Let me refer you too, to the notorious and distressing fact, that your subordinate agents are at this moment penetrating society in all directions, inculcating these pernicious doctrines, under the solemn and sacred sanctions of religious delegations. It is in vain for us to be told, that your society does not seek to impose any direct obligation on the slave owner to emancipate his slaves; but that your aim is to effect this object gradually and by the exertion of a great moral principle to be created among us. This, when we consider the peculiar character and temper of this portion of our population, is no palliation of the mischief. Not even fanaticism itself, would be rash enough to attempt by direct means, the general abolition of slavery. The peculiar Constitution of Society in the South, and the safe-guards which the constitution and laws have thrown around this portion of our property, must at least for the present render any movement of this sort, both physically and legally impracticable. It would seem, then, that your society is entitled to but little credit, for seeking to effect your object in the only mode which was left for your choice. But, sir, it is from your efforts in this very mode of operation, in attempting to create a great moral principle in society, favourable to emancipation, that all the horrible consequences which I deprecate, are likely to result. And, when we contemplate its inevitable consequences upon our slave population, it is, if any thing, more objectionable than a direct movement to your object; for, while the one would lead inevitably to open war, the other leads as certainly to the most horrible species of assassination. Your public and private discussions of this interesting question, however honestly they may be intended for the moral edification and improvement of the whites, will not fail to engage a much greater degree of attention from the slaves, than from all other portions of society, for the most obvious of all reasons, because to them it is a question of liberty or slavery. Goaded up to a state of phrenzy by your fanatical inspirations, their hopes and feelings would but illy brook the necessary delay, for the successful establishment of your favorite moral principle on the minds of their masters. Degraded and debased from the very knowledge of their condition as slaves, dissolute and abandoned in their moral character, with passions and feelings of the most lawless and brutal kind; rendered more than combustible by inflated pictures of liberty and the recollections of past servitude, a single spark would be sufficient to throw the whole country in a flame, whose ravages would extend itself into every walk of society. Our fields, our kitchens, and even the sacred retreat of our chambers would contribute the materials to feed this unholy conflagration. But let me turn from this appalling scene of misery, which is destined to grow out of your efforts to revolutionize public sentiment upon this subject, and see if it is not also true that there is much reason to believe, that your society from its very nature and tendency, (especially since the interpolation of the abolition principle into its proceedings,) has already been, and is calculated to become in future, the repository of all the fanatical spirits in the country upon this subject; and whether the late political movements to which I have had allusion, being subsequent to the establishment of your Society, have not a close moral, if not real connection with you. It cannot be expected that these propositions should be sustained by the same definite & precise proof, as that which has been adduced to shew the rapid encroachments of your society since its first organization: Because, from the very nature of things, they are not susceptible of it. But, I believe, enough has already been developed in your operations, to produce the most satisfactory impressions of their correctness. First, then as to its tendency to become the rallying point of all the restless and disaffected upon the subject of slavery. No other proof upon this branch of the enquiry can be necessary, but the fact just noticed, that when your society was first formed, its sole object was said to be the Colonization of the free people of colour, in which I believe your founders to have been sincere. Yet, in the space of a few years, it is seen avowing principles and objects which look to the general abolition of slavery throughout the U. S. This extraordinary change can only be accounted for in two modes, either that your founders were insincere in their declarations, and were actually practising a fraud upon the community (which I will not allow myself to believe,) or that my conclusion is correct: and that the principle of abolition, since interpolated, is a vice inherent in the nature of all such associations. Experience then, the only true standard of correct reasoning, seems to settle this question between us, and renders all abstract argument upon it unnecessary. One remark, however, cannot be forborne. It must be apparent to every man, that the same feeling and sensibility, which would lead any set of men to devise plans for the amelioration of the condition of the free people of colour, (if to colonize, is in fact to ameliorate) would naturally, and almost by necessary consequence pour itself, in behalf of a still more degraded portion of our fellow men; those who were in bondage. The one picture could not be contemplated without also seeing the other. They belong to the same species, have a common origin, and live in the same society. Thus it is, when the human heart is once set on bleeding from any object of distress, either real or imaginary, it often with indiscreet tenderness, embraces subjects which judgment subsequently condemns. This is the case with conscientious men upon this subject, and what I have in charity to your judgment imputed to you. But, Sir, there is a more unpleasant view of this subject with which you are compelled to be informed, and which has not even the excuse of good motives or good feelings. There is known to exist to a considerable extent in the non-slave-holding states, a sentiment unfriendly to this principle of servitude among us, growing out of the prejudices of education and an ignorance of the actual condition of slavery among us; aggravated in many instances by sectional and political considerations. Men operated on by such feelings, could not fail to perceive the natural tendency of such institutions to the promotion of their views, and now, that the abolition principle is avowed, must flock to your standard in the full conviction of receiving a hearty and wide-spread co-operation by means of a regularly organized corps, leagued together by a common purpose. I will now ask your attention very briefly to the extraordinary effort made in Congress to impose an unconstitutional and most wicked restraint upon the new State of Missouri: To the subsequent resolutions of Messrs. King and Tucker in the Senate and House of Representatives, seeking by covert advances, to engage the Federal Government in acts of legislation upon this subject. I do not propose to trouble you with any argument either upon the character, or constitutionality of these topics. This would be unnecessary. Because the united voice of the whole community, (with the exception of the votaries of abolition) have accorded them a fate, which it is hoped will ever render them harmless and inoffensive. But they have been summoned to your recollection for another purpose: To prove that doctrines and opinions of that character, never dared to intrude themselves into the acts of Federal Legislation, and to assume the form of grave propositions in Congress, until subsequent to the establishment of your society in the country: and that although I may not have the means of establishing a clear concert and connection between these political movements, and the operations of your Society, yet the periods and circumstances under which they have occurred, leave the impression, that they owe their origin to the countenance and support which your society is giving to such doctrines, and that there is strong moral connection between you. I pass over too, Sir, without further remark, the indelicate and pragmatical interference of the Legislatures of New Jersey and Ohio, in their resolutions of recent date, recommending to the Southern States the abolition of slavery; except only, to call your attention to the period at which they have occurred, and as tending to shew the danger, with which we are threatened upon this subject, both by enemies at home and abroad. I might now, Sir, almost venture in conclusion, to appeal to your own candour and ask, if there can be a doubt about the civil character and tendency of the institution over which you preside: Or the rapid advances it has made in its encroachments upon the subject of slavery, within the short space of a few years; and finally, if the slave holders of the South, have not much reason for their apprehension, that there exists a connection and dependence, between those odious, political movements, first noticed, and the operations of your society? And if these things, or any of them be true, how can you longer reconcile it to yourself, as a Patriot, and a Virginian, to remain at the head of such an institution, and give to its operations all the sanction of your name and character? Believe me, Sir, you will best consult your own true glory and the happiness of your country, by a magnanimous avowal of your disappointment in its supposed benefits to the community, and an acknowledgment, that the whole subject of our coloured population, whether bond or free, is one perfectly anomalous, and of the most delicate and difficult character; and that it cannot be interfered with, either by Fanatical Clubs, or the Federal Government, without the inevitable risk of tearing asunder the bonds of that political Union, which has been alike the boast and happiness of Americans and the admiration of the world. But if your society should still persevere in its objects, and the Federal Government be betrayed into any interference with this portion of our property, you will have only to remember, that there is sufficient intelligence in the South to understand their rights, and chivalry enough to defend them. CAIUS GRACCHUS. Note.—See the Report of the Committee at Boston upon this subject, dated the 7th day of September, 1822; extracts from which were quoted in my last communication to the Auxiliary Societies in Powhatan; also the following resolution of the Legislature of Connecticut, recently adopted: "Resolved by this Assembly, that the existence of slavery in the United States of America is a great national evil, and that the people and states ought to participate in the burthen and duties of removing it, by all just and prudent measures which may be adopted, with a due regard to their internal peace and mutual harmony; and that a system of Colonization under the patronage of the National Government, may reasonably be deemed conducive to so desirable an object."