Morning Star

From the British Banner

PEACE CONGRESS.

FRIDAY, AUG. 24th.

The Congress opens to-day full to an overflow. Besides the delegates, there were at least a thousand spectators. The assemblage altogether has a most magnificent appearance. But why this crowd so early to-day? What meaning has that clustering and gathering around the chain? Ah! there it is, the circle opens upon the platform, and the Abbe of the Madeline in full canonicals stands out to view. In the black flowing robe tucked closely round the neck, the black bands with a white edging, and hanging in a triangle from a short-necked black collar. M. Deguerry presents quite a contrast to the Rev. M. Coquerel, the respected minister of the French Protestant Church of Paris, who now stands on his left; and a greater contrast still to Mr. Cobden, who sits on his left. Yet what more gratifying than this group—the priest, the parson, and the political economist,—united in one bond to promote the heaven-born sentiment, "Peace on earth and good will to men." But the Abbe is not yet to speak. The Secretary first explains three resolutions were passed yesterday, nem. con. This had displeased some who were anxious to speak. but as the committee considered them as merely expressive of moral truisms, and having no fewer than four and twenty speakers on the list, for the proposition first in hand, what could they do? this was their excuse: The Secretary hoped that the members of the Congress in agreeing to these without a vote, would look on themselves, not as speakers merely, but "as conductors by which the moral electricity that might gather there would be conveyed to their respective districts."

A letter was read from the venerable poet, Beranger, to the following effect. It was addressed to M. Garnier, Secretary of the Congress:-

"Sir, I thank you for the kindness you have shown me in sending a card for the Congress of the Friends of Peace. I should have profited by it, and been present, were I not unfortunately suffering from an attack which, I hope, will have no duration. You cannot doubt of my wishes for the success of this generous assemblage of distinguished men from all parts of the world, and of the approbation which I give to the initiative they have had the courage to take at a time apparently so little pacific. The act, at such a period, is a proof of the holiness of the cause you advocate. Receive my thanks, and believe me yours,

"BERANGER.

"Passy, August 23, 1849."

M. Coquerel announced, that he had to inform the meeting, that, by order of the Minister of Public Works, the grand water-works of Versailles would be set in motion on Monday, from two till four o'clock, in honor of the Congress of Peace. (Cheers.) These water-works were ordinarily set in motion only four times a year, and Sunday next was one of these days. The Minister, however, in consideration of the respect paid by English and Americans to the Sabbath, which precluded them from participating on that day in festivities, had directed that the works should also be set in motion on the Monday.—(Great applause.)

Mr. Hindley said, that both Americans and English could not do otherwise than receive this mark of delicate attention on the part of the Minister with a sense of warm gratification and gratitude. (Applause.)

M. V. Hugo announced, that at the present meeting, it being the last of this session, no written memoir would be admitted, with the sole exception of one by Elihu Burritt-(cheers) who had come from America to spread the doctrine of peace throughout Europe. (Cheers.)

M. A. Coquerel, jr. then read in French the memoir thus announced, and which was received with great applause. Its extensive length precludes its insertion.

Now comes forward to the tribune the Abbe DeGuerry. The audience burst forth in applause. Silence being with difficulty restored, the Abbe opened the discussion in a tone of quiet eloquence. He used no manuscript, and had scarcely uttered the following sentences:—"Ladies and Gentlemen,—Yesterday I was happy to hear it said that the idea of war was supremely folly. (Very good.) Yes, war is an impious folly, where those who strike best and hardest are most considered. That, surely, was not the idea of God. (Applause.) Therefore do I, for my part, give praise to those governments who have prosecuted, as you do, the great work of pacification. (Very good.) To-day, gentlemen, is the anniversary of St. Barthelemy."

The reverend curate of the Madeline then went on to say that he liked not revolutions made in a country by strangers, a sentiment suggested by the question of the Pope, touched upon by M. Bouvet yesterday.—He warmed with his subject, and for half an hour held the audience almost spell-bound. His fine, full-toned, musical voice, graceful gesture, and at times tremendous energy, were all-commanding. No language can describe the true character of his oratory. No speaker in the Conference came within sight of it. The French delegates were in raptures, and the English, although they did not understand a word he said, were electrified by the voice and manner of the man. Of the sentiments of the address we may simply observe, that they were in perfect accordance with the objects of the Congress, and full of benevolence. So much so, that when the rev. gentleman resumed his seat, he was congratulated by the Rev. Mr. Coquerel, of the Protestant Church of France, and the Rev. Mr. Tyne, of the Church of England.

A tall, spare, swarthy-looking gentleman now walks into the tribune. The broad, lofty forehead, with prominent brow, and small, sparkling dark eyes, looking quietly out from underneath two full, projecting eyebrows. He is an American, Amasa Walker, from Oberlin, and a Vice-President of the Peace Society in America. He is severely logical; but starts with a fine point of historical progress. "There was a time (he said) when every man settled his quarrel in his own way. Then we had a trial by battle, which was an improvement; then courts of justice, which was an improvement on trial by battle: and now we want a High Court of Nations as the next step in our social state." He is for a preliminary Congress of Nations to constitute some central Court of Appeal, and to this end he desiderated public opinion. "England, when in earnest, can command anything from Government; so can the people of America; and so of France. Get the people, then, and the Government cannot, dare not refuse." If a Congress of Nations pledge the honor of its nations, will the people respect it? (A voice: "Yes.") An Englishman says "yes;" and I would be insulting the French people were I to hint that they might say, No. Thus, then, we have but to create this opinion, and create it we shall; for, as a speaker well said yesterday, "If our principle be sound, we can never despair!" Fine thoughts these, and well put. Replies to objections are now urged, and Amasa concludes by appealing for "disarmament! disarmament !! disarmament!!}" to which the Congress with one heart and voice responds.

A delegate from Berlin reads a speech in French, deprecating the wars in which Europe is now engaged, and calling on Germany to take a leaf out of Mr. Cobden's book, and "agitate, agitate, agitate," for peace. "Hungary, Germany, France, England, America, are they not members of one family? Are they not brothers? Why, then, should they fight?" This was the ruling idea of his speech.

M. VILLecocque, a fine John-Bull-looking delegate, Vice-President of the Society of Free Trade in Paris, then took the tribune. He delivered a long, rambling speech in vindication of war, and was frequently called to order. At the close Emile Girardin said, that there had only been one speech delivered in favor of war at the Congress, and the speech, if it had any value, must tell in favor of peace.

Mr. Hindley, M. P., addressed the meeting in French, since the place in which they were so hospitably received was the capital of Frenchmen. (Hear, hear.) He wished to say a few words to explain that the present Congress was not the same with the Peace Society, which had for twenty years been seeking to inculcate upon the people of England, that war was not merely a folly, but a crime, a contempt of God's Word, a system of wholesale murder. (Hear, hear.)

Mr. Hindley, who was received with marked approbation, then said, in French,—Gentlemen, When I was a young man, war was raging between your country and mine. I was forced, accordingly, to learn the French, just as I learned the Latin language, the Greek, and the other dead languages now not in use amongst us. I had never seen a Frenchman, and never expected to see one. I learned to read French, not to speak it, which seemed wholly superfluous, and now you hear the result, that I cannot express myself as I fain would on this interesting occasion. (Hear, hear.) I cannot throw my mind into yours. I cannot mingle my heart in yours as I fain would. (Hear, hear.) Fortunately, however, there is a secret magnetism pervading the entire of this assembly, spreading from heart to heart, a silent language speaking within us with a more peaceful eloquence than could be supplied by the most potent language that the ear could receive. (Cheers.) Now every soul feels the fervor of our principle—the principle of a universal charity; now, I do not feel that I am English as contradistinguished from French. (Hear, hear.) To return to the days of my youth. The default of language I spoke of was the smallest fault of our education at that time. We were not allowed to regard you as friends, my French brethren—nay, we were taught to regard you as enemies, whom patriotism called upon us to hate and to injure. (Hear, hear.) It was not only the fashion, it was the principle with the sons and daughters of England to scorn and hate the French. But other days came. War was at an end. Peace came. and with it the English visited Paris. and found they were not the natural enemies of France they had supposed. Such was the grand result of temporary peace. And now let permanent peace be instituted by all the English members of the Congress saving to Frenchmen, and to all foreigners by birth, "We are brothers. Adieu war! Adieu hatred! In future let charity, love, and peace be amongst all nations." Accept, my dear French brethren, these few words,—they come from the heart. (Loud cheers.)

Mr. Miall regretted that there was not a universal language, to give expression to all men at once of the ideas which had been enforced in the discussion of the last two days. He cared not so much in what way the Congress proceeded, because he was sure that its results would be to effect that which he wanted—a condensation of the floating sentiments of nations. (Cheers.) All that was needed was, that it should do nothing inconsistent with itself. The great phenomenon in which he took an interest was this,—that the Congress existed—(cheers)—that it was what it was, and where it was. (Cheers.) A combined fact, which he believed would produce a greater effect on the world at large than any spoken arguments, however able, that could be brought forward. (Cheers.) It had been suggested that the Congress had no practical object. (Cheers.) He thought it very clear, that the Congress had shown that it had not reckoned without its host. (Cheers.) What was war? It was not spontaneous combustion. (Hear, hear.) Armies were not organized without thought. Soldiers were not made so without drilling. Gunpowder was a manufacture, not a growth. Cannon-balls did not hang on the trees of the forest. (Cheers.) War was the product of man's will. It was simply the elements of nature made to subserve man's evil passions. (Cheers.) The way to put down war was to get at the will of man,—to get at that will by means of his reason, his understanding, his conscience, his affections. (Cheers.)

Mr. William Brown (a colored man) desired at the Peace Congress of Paris to protest against the existence of the war element, which condemned three millions of men in the United States to slavery. (Cheers.) He had been a slave for twenty years, and he could speak from experience on the point. He could utter his sentiments with perfect freedom in Paris, but he could not do that in the United States; were he to do so, his life would be in danger. Slavery had now been abolished in almost every country in Europe, whilst, shameful to say, it still existed in America. France, in her revolution of 1848, had rendered not only her inhabitants at home free, but had set her slaves in Martinique and Guadaloupe at liberty. He wanted to have the same effect produced in the United States.

The Hon. M. Donkey, of America, sympathized heartily with his colored brother, Mr. Brown, and stated some pleasing proofs of the progress of abolition principles in America.

The resolution was then put to the vote, and adopted by acclamation.

The sitting was then suspended for ten minutes, to allow the air of the hall to be renewed.

The Chairman, on the resumption of the sitting, proceeded to read the fourth resolution, thus worded: "The Congress strongly disapproves of all loans and taxes destined to promote wars of ambition or conquest."

Mr. Cobden addressed the meeting. Battles are now decided by artillery, and every discharge of a cannon costs from twelve to fifteen francs; I wish with all my heart it was ten times as much. The consequence is, that when countries behind the rest of Europe in civilization enter upon hostilities, they are obliged immediately to draw upon the resources of more civilized states,—in other words, to raise a loan: and how is the money thus borrowed from the savings of honest industry expended? What is war in our day? Has it learned any of the charities of peace? Let us see. I hold in my hand an extract from a proclamation issued at Pesth, dated 19th July, and signed "Haynau." Praying forgiveness for your outraged feelings, I will read it. Having read it, he proceeded: I ask you, whilst your flesh creeps and your hair bristles with horror at these quotations, has war borrowed any of the charities of Christianity? Have modern warriors repudiated the practice of the barbarians of antiquity? For my part I can see no difference between Attila and Haynau; between the Goth of the fifth and the Goth of the nineteenth century. But we address ourselves to those who, by their loans, really hire and pay the men who commit these atrocities, and we say, "It is you who give strength to the arm which murders innocent women and helpless old age; it is you who supply the torch which reduces to ashes peaceful and inoffensive villages, and on your souls will rest the burden of these crimes against humanity." I will undertake to prove, though I will not weary you with an opinion upon the subject, that peace will offer a far better field for the employment of the savings of agriculture than the field of battle, and that she will afford a much more profitable investment for the accumulations of industry than in partnership with Haynau and Co.

M. Feline declared, that he had been for twenty years an advocate of peace principles, but he considered that measures ought to be instituted for the organization of means of defence in every country. (The assembly frequently expressed their disapprobation of the hon. gentleman's sentiments.)

The Chairman: I am obliged to remind the speaker, that the question at this moment is relative to loans contracted for wars of ambition and conquest, and I beg of him to confine himself thereto.

M. Feline said, he would rather not speak, if the tribune were not free. (Agitation.)

The Chairman: I cannot allow the unmerited reproach addressed by the last speaker to the bureau to pass without protest. I have not infringed the liberty of the tribune. I only requested the speaker to confine himself within the limits of the question. (Approbation.)

M. E. de Girardin: As a friend of peace, I understand peace in its widest signification: and for me the first condition of peace is the liberty of speech, the absolute respect of the right of discussion. (Approbation.) I do not believe that the last speaker exaggerated the right he possessed of expressing his opinion, provided there were the right of answering him. You have been told that nations must organize defensive war—that they must be prepared for events which create the necessity of defence. But that is organizing famine by war—that is perpetuating what has existed for thirty years—that is perpetuating misery, continuing to impoverish the country. And it is thus that you would prepare for it the means of resisting coalitions, if any could again be formed! No, there are other means of defence—was it made with money. Take, then, all of you the engagement not to participate in any way in a loan, the object of which may be to carry on war. (Applause.) Take the engagement—do more—denounce to the people the bankers who may subscribe such loans. (Rumors and applause.) Scout all taxes and loans of which the object is war; whoever wishes for the end should employ the means. (Applause) If in the ensemble of your programme, there is one clause to which I adhere more completely than to another, it is that which is now under discussion; let nations only engage themselves to the terms of that article, and I do not believe that war can ever take place. (Hear, hear.) Let us then have confidence in liberty, in the right of discussion, and we shall arrive at that pacification which progress will render definitive. (Loud applause.)

Mr. Joseph Sturge observed, that he understood that the last speaker objected to the words "of conquest and ambition" being retained, as unnecessary. He [Mr. Sturge] was anxious to see the proceedings pass over without any dissent or opposition. He and his friends would certainly prefer seeing the words retained; but he did not think that, if they were omitted, any principle could be compromised. He, therefore, should leave the matter in the hands of the meeting.

The objection then appeared to fall to the ground, as nothing more was heard of it.

The Rev. Mr. Pyne next addressed the meeting in favor of the resolution, as did also M. D'Eichtal.

The resolution was then adopted by acclamation, without any change, as originally proposed.

The eighth and last resolution being proposed,

The Rev. Mr. Pennington, another escaped slave, and now minister of the Presbyterian church in America, came forward. He fully agreed with Mr. Brown that slavery was a great element of war, and that every man of real Christian feeling should put shoulder to shoulder to get rid of such a curse. (Loud applause.)

The Rev. gentleman on leaving the tribune was shaken heartily by the hand by the Abbe Deguerry, and the Rev. M. Coquerel, and by the Chairman, and received the congratulations of a number of other parties on the platform.

Mr. Cobden then rose to propose votes of thanks to the French Government for the marked kindness and liberality which had been shown to the members of the Peace Congress and the English visitors since their arrival in Paris; next to the Chairman, for the able and courteous manner in which he had presided over the business of the meeting; and lastly, to the members of the bureau and the Secretaries, for the zeal and energy with which they had discharged the functions of their office.

Mr. Brotherton, M.P., supported the motion.

Dr. Ritchie rose. and would make one remark:—I have heard of England. I have heard of America, but I have not heard one word of the poor country which I come from—Scotland (Great cheering.) The Doctor was then called to the tribune by acclamation, and made a humorous speech. Thirty years ago he made his first speech for the emancipation of the slave. He was making his last in a Congress the avowed object of which is, to destroy the works of the devil. (Applause.) He was a man of no country, and yet of all countries; and when he came to Paris, he had no more feeling of nationality than the locomotive that brought him along. (Laughter and applause.)

Mr. Smith, M.P., certainly thought that no doubt could exist that the gratitude of the Congress was due to the Government of France for the exceeding kindness which it had shown towards them. No passport had been required, their luggage had passed unsearched, and now the Grand Water Works were to play specially for the gratification of the members—a compliment, he believed, only paid to Sovereigns (Hear.)

The resolution being passed with acclamations,

M. Victor Hugo made an eloquent acknowledgment. The moment to part has arrived; but I can feel that we are strongly united in heart. Before parting I congratulate you and myself on the result of our proceedings. The good work cannot go back—it must advance—it must be accomplished. (Loud cheers.) The course of the future may be judged of by the sound of the footsteps of the past! (Hear, hear.) In the course of that day's discussion, a reminiscence had been handed up to one of the speakers, that this is the anniversary of the dreadful massacre of St. Bartholomew; the reverend gentleman who was speaking turned away from the thought of that sanguinary scene with the pious horror natural to his sacred calling. But I, who may boast of firmer nerve, I take up the remembrance. Yes, it was on this day, 277 years ago, that Paris was roused from slumber by the sound of that dread bell, which bore the name of the cloche d'argent. Massacre was on foot, seeking with keen eye for its victim—man was busy in slaying man. The slaughter was called for by mingled passion of the worst description. Hatred of all kinds was there urging on the slayer—hatred of a religious, a political, a personal character! And yet, on the anniversary of that same day of horror, and in that very city where blood was flowing like water, has God this day given a rendezvous to men of peace, where wild tumult is transformed into order, and animosity into love. (Immense cheering.) The stain of blood is blotted out, and in its place beams forth a ray of holy light. (Renewed cheers.) All distinctions are removed, and Papist and Huguenot meet together in friendly communion.—(Cheers, which prevented the speaker for some time from proceeding.) I feel gratitude for the change that has been effected, and, pointing solemnly to the past, I say—Let this day be ever held memorable—let the 24th August, 1572, be remembered only for the purpose of being compared with the 24th of August, 1849; and when we think of this latter, and ponder over the high purpose to which it has been devoted—the advocacy of the principle of peace—let us not be so wanting in reliance on Providence as to doubt for one moment of the eventual success of our holy cause! (Immense cheering followed this address.)

Mr. Cobden (when the excitement had somewhat subsided) then said: Now, Gentlemen, that our proceedings have closed, let us terminate the whole with nine English cheers. I will give you the signal.

The hon. gentleman then marking the time, nine cheers were given with great strength of lungs, the French part of the audience joining in the cry most cordially.

The immense crowd then slowly left the building, and the last day's sitting of the Peace Congress of Paris was closed at a quarter past six.

Not a single incident occurred to mar the harmony of the proceedings, and not a single regret was expressed regarding any part of the arrangements.

SOIREE TO THE CONGRESS AT THE FOREIGN MINISTER'S.

On Saturday, the members of the Congress and accompanying visitors, were honored with invitations to a soiree by M. Tocqueville, the Minister of Foreign Affairs. This was a brilliant affair. The splendid suite of apartments occupied by the Minister on the Boulevards, were thrown open for the reception of the party at six o'clock in the evening, and from that hour until nearly eleven o'clock, the company continued to arrive. On entering the hall, they were received, by what, in England, would be called "gold stick in waiting," then passed into an anti-chamber, through which they entered an elegant drawing-room, and then into a magnificent saloon. This beautiful residence was long occupied by Guizot; and had that gentleman been present on this occasion to witness the hearty reception which the English Deputies met with from his Republican successor and his lady, it would have surprised him. As the guests assembled. they were rejoiced to find that all the French Ministers in town, and all the foreign ambassadors at present in Paris, had been invited to the soiree, and had accepted the invitation. Many of the Parisian ladies of distinction were also present, and it was truly a gratifying sight thus to see a re-union of such a multitude of the friends of Peace representing almost every civilized nation on the face of the earth, assembled in the very spot where the first shot was fired in February, 1848, which led to the revolution.

As night came down, the garden was illuminated by an endless variety of Chinese lamps suspended from the trees and disposed among the flower pots of the avenues and walks. This Arabian-Night looking place was opened for the enjoyment of the guests, and about eight o'clock the company then assembled entered the fairy scene, a regimental band in the music-room, which opens into the garden, playing, "God save the Queen." It was a novel, as well as unprecedented spectacle to see the number and variety of dress and manners on this occasion, comprising, as it did, every shape and form—every degree of quiet and vivacity, from the plain dress and style of the Society of Friends, to the showy robe and turban of the Mussulman; and it was no less novel and remarkable to observe, barring all the incongruity of the thing, how even the most austere were kindled into liveliness and animation as they walked through the grounds amid the music peals of—

"Hearts of oak are our ships,
Jolly tars are our men;
Then, steady, boys, steady,
Always ready,
To conquer our foemen
Again and again"

The leader of the band having no idea, perhaps that the soiree was in honor of the cause of Peace. During the evening, refreshments of tea, coffee, iced-cream, lemonade, but no spirits, were served; and the Minister and his amiable lady entered familiarly into conversation with many of their guests. By twelve o'clock the whole of the company had withdrawn, greatly delighted with this honor and kindness.

On Monday, the members of the Congress enjoyed themselves at Versailles; where the sights they saw, of palaces, water-works, and magnificent scenery, at the express invitation of the Government, were such as language must fail to describe.

On Tuesday, most of the party returned by special train; but a good many remained to spend a few days more in France.

REFLECTIONS.

Such has been the Peace Congress, and such the kindness of the French Government. The occasion is important,—vitally important, and constitutes an era in the history of France and England. Both nations will profit by the intercourse it has induced, for kindness is the key that unlocks the best feelings of the human heart. Our English brethren will, for the most part, return with enlarged ideas; and the probability is, that, instead of hearing of Paris as the hot-bed of revolution, the home of infidelity and a sink of immorality and fashionable vice, as they were wont to view it, we shall now hear of it in conversation as an El Dorado of virtue, happiness, and peace. Against this conclusion we must affectionately guard ourselves. The Congress was a happy occasion, but there was no ground of difference to try the tempers of our Gallic neighbors. They are, naturally, beings of feeling more than intellect, and ever ready to respond to a kindly appeal. The Conference, has clearly shown, that there are, in the French character, elements that may be employed to produce the best results, when the right influences are brought to bear upon them; and thus far we have both a motive and an encouragement to seek to discover and apply such means of individual and social improvement.—But we must not forget, that, without the resisting power of practical godliness, and the moral convictions of a Protestant Christianity, bad influences are equally potent to control such elements, and induce the most distressing results. Now, with all that we saw of Congress, we had great cause to be pleased, and to give the people of Paris all honor: but from what we witnessed on Sunday, and in visits to streets, lanes, and houses, in the lowest parts of the City at different times during the visit, we feel constrained to say that our worst fears of Paris and its people have been realized. Of the religious system which prevails in her cathedrals we need say little. Its artfully delusive and soul-moving character is well known; but of the godless character of the people on the Sunday, no language can speak too strong. During the week the shops, cafes, theatres, and gin palaces, were comparatively empty; but on Sunday, from morning until long past midnight, business was conducted in the shops with avidity. The public parks were filled with dancers, drinkers, singers, and play-goers. The lower districts were characterized by drunkenness, riot, and all manner of abominations—the whole city being filled with idolatry, immorality, and vice. We write thus strongly, because we feel that necessity requires the whole truth to be told, and the whole feature to be drawn and painted faithfully. Oh! that the heaven-born influences of a pure Christianity were brought to bear on the heart of Paris, for then, and not till then, will her people be regenerate, and led to "seek peace and to pursue it."