The Daily Clarion

Letter from Memphis.

Senator Alcorn and his New Party—What the People of Memphis think of it—How his opinions are received—The danger—the remedy.—Democracy done for—Whiggery revived.—Two parties met by a third.—Another mode of Relief for the South.—Memphis Press.—Consolidation of Railroads.—Gambling.

Memphis, July 4th, 1867.

You have observed that Memphis newspapers speak very gingerly of Senator Alcorn's speech. It is neither praised nor censured. Very certainly the purposes of your Senator are not approved. All Memphis newspapers except the Radical Post, run on the same tack. A blind man might hear platitudes, logic, arguments, assertions and denunciations recited from each alternately, on successive days, and however keen his apprehension, he would never, from doctrines announced, be enabled to distinguish one Memphis newspaper from another. Albert Pike is writing a book, successive chapters of which adorn the editorial columns of the Appeal. The book will be well written, its philosophy and rhetoric matchless; but, cui bono? Who reads books? With railroads, telegraphs and the world all brought to one spot, pou sto, who has time to read books? Newspapers are the books of the Age, and the only book that will hereafter be read will be a compilation and record of leading facts which newspapers recite. Editors alone will recur to these. There is enough current history and philosophy hourly evolved to overstock the intellect and memory of an ordinary man. What's the use writing a book?

But I was telling you that four Memphis newspapers concur thoroughly in opinions and partizan predilections. The Appeal and Bulletin may differ somewhat as to the wisdom of accepting Congressional terms of restoration, which we are compelled to accept, and Admiral Semmes may have a sort of weakness for woman kind, as would any brave old "salt." He therefore squirts at woman suffrage when he would win woman's smiles. Gallaway keeps an eye upon the main chance and pretermits questions which so deeply excite the people of the Gulf States. The little, live Ledger is fiery, incisive, bold and often fierce. Its conduct is conformed to that of its morning contemporaries, and here they all go plunging down the same boisterous current which leads no one knows whither.

SENATOR ALCORN'S MOVEMENTS.

Your Senator Alcorn came. It was asserted that he was an outright Radical. The Memphis press doesn't like Alcorn. It hardly surprised the public to know that the distinguished gentleman intended to promulgate his peculiar opinions. The speech was made, and the Bulletin, though it gave a very fair resume, uttered no comments. The audience that listened to Gen. Alcorn was not large, but many old Whigs were there; and others, of that large class of Southern people, who have foresworn allegiance, now and forever to all parties. I am not sure that the people here understand thoroughly Gen. Alcorn's purposes. As I have heard them expounded there is not wanting a basis of wisdom for plans which he would popularize.

The danger that threatens the Gulf States is imminent and cannot be exaggerated. It signifies little to the South who may win in the next Presidential contest, and yet if the North did not fear the influence of Southern States in 1868, obstacles to restoration would vanish. There are therefore two reasons why the entire policy of Southern journalism should be changed. We would liberalize the action of Congress by divesting its masters of apprehensions of danger affecting the fortunes of Radicalism in 1868, and then the Gulf States should evade that frightful social and political condition into which Tennessee has been driven. Here, are two parties; one, black; the other, white. Here, the calamity will not always be progressive. Whites outnumber blacks more than three to one. In Mississippi, on the contrary, the two races are equal in numbers. You hardly have enough white men like Fields to fill half a dozen offices. Northern men will come down upon you to use the ignorant negroes. There will be a Barber Lewis in every county to direct the black vote, swear wondering Ethiopia into Loyal Leagues, and seizing the offices, tax and plunder the country to the last degree.

RECONSTRUCTION OF PARTIES

It becomes sane Mississippians to provide against such a contingency. How otherwise can the purpose be accomplished than by the plans of Senator Alcorn? There must be a reorganization of parties in the South. If there be those who will adhere to ancient Democracy, Alcorn will be the last to object. They will prove of infinite service to the South, while caring for nothing more than the good of an extinct party. I never voted for a Democrat, as such, and have no prejudices affecting extinct parties. There are myriads of men occupying the same position. These will adhere to Alcorn on condition that he never co-operates with Thad. Stevens. Of this there is not the remotest possibility.

Two parties will be organized. One will be constituted of elements which may be denominated Southern Radicals, quondam adherents of Quitman and Yancey; the other will embody old Whigs and Douglas Democrats. These two new parties will share the colored vote. I need not tell you that the moderate men will vote for a Conservative Republican, of the Philadelphia Convention sort, in 1868, while the adherents of Brick Pomeroy, of the Metropolitan Record, and Louisville Courier, may re-nominate McClellan or set up Pendleton or Vallandigham.

Let the future and the Presidency care for themselves. Our business is with the present. It becomes us to rescue Mississippi from palpable, tangible dangers. There is no mode of effecting this purpose save through the creation of a new party in the South.

Though Gen. Alcorn suggested no such purpose, I could discover none in his speech, if I have not here properly expounded his plans. He said that he would canvass the State of Mississippi, and that no toil or expense should be spared in consummating his designs.

FREEDOM FROM PREJUDICE

Trade is at a stand still. Of a truth capital is alarmed. The people suffer. The poor want bread. Mechanics have no employment. Why all these evils? Go ask the accursed politicians who struggle for office and power, and sacrifice the helpless, ignorant and unfortunate, that they may reign. What do I care for parties or partizan prejudices, if happier fortunes and a brighter sun may dawn upon the South?

Let Alcorn speak. He can do no harm, and an infinitude of good may be achieved. In this relentless abuse to which partizanship often subjects the best of our countrymen, there is nothing to excite the apprehensions of an honest man, and still less of a wise one.

A GRAND DIVERSION.

The next achievement of Mr. Seward will consist in a grand "divertissement." Instead of sending a live man to interpose in behalf of Maximilian, that old fellow Campbell, of Ohio, must be chosen, who couldn't make the trip, because of the want of a steamer. Of course Maximilian's death will be avenged, Austria and France will claim the right, the civilized world will concede it, then comes Mr. Seward's opportunity,—he will say to Napoleon, and Joseph of Austria, that he will overthrow Juarez, give Mexico a new government, make a viceroyalty, like Mississippi, and stock it with black soldiers. Thus the matter will be finally settled; Seward has said as much in his recent speeches. He has absolutely appropriated Douglass' Manifest Destiny doctrine. Then we shall have a new sensation, and the North for a time will forget nigger and manhood suffrage and all that. I rather like the programme. Any change would be a relief—even a war with France and Austria. Seward is too sharp for that. Mexico he will have nevertheless, and it will result that the Administration of Andrew Johnson will be forever illustrious because of its magnificent territorial acquisitions. Who can tell how popular and potent the President and Seward may become? Who can tell how the security of Southern property is assured because Mexico will furnish land enough for black and white soldiers? Don't you like the prospect? There will be no need for Stevens confiscation act.

PAR BLEU.

These are dull days for Memphis. Why don't newspapers like the Clarion, hammer a little common sense into the head of Memphis? Memphis is a city of Mississippi and not of Tennessee. In politics, sympathies, trade, men and money, this is a city as much affected by your legislation as our own. In truth, I have seen Mississippians voting in Memphis. It was all right then, in 1861. You have an interest in promoting the prosperity of Memphis. If this become an imperial city, your towns, railroads and lands, will be made richer and your State more populous. See how Memphis commits suicide. Of the five hundred travelers moving North through Jackson each day, hardly ten ever see Memphis. They go from Grenada to Grand Junction, and Jackson, Tenn., and thence to Cairo, in order that they may avoid Memphis, drays and omnibuses. Why may not newspapers, like the Clarion, compel a consolidation of railway lines, and the erection of a common depot. The local press is timid; drays, and omnibuses and transportation companies wield a great power. If the press of the interior will begin the war on these public nuisances, which are destroying our railroads and city, Memphis newspapers must take up the cudgel, and all desirable reforms will be speedily effected. Your interests and ours are identical. Memphis is only nominally a city of Tennessee, can't you serve us?

The Southern Asylum Land Lottery is diffusing its Agencies in the North and Europe and will soon begin the process of subdividing and selling plantations. Its Lottery profits will probably be applied to the maintenance of widows and orphans at Lauderdale Springs. One of its schemes for next month is published. Col. Gallaway's (of the Avalanche) residence, in the very heart of Memphis, is the capital prize. Plantations, one in the suburbs of Jackson, will soon be advertised.