Gazette Of The United States

For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
A FACSIMILE.

It is too easily conceded that a great clamor is always a proof of something being wrong. We have men whose trade it is (a meaner and blacker trade than chimney-sweeping) to make as much noise as they can against government—for what the people's servants do—for what they neglect to do—for the thoughts of our rulers hearts, (which these imps pretend to know) all, all is wrong. Not a single good thing has been done or intended. The same men are chosen over and over again—which looks something like popular confidence in their integrity. Generally speaking they are not rich—far from it—they must sink or swim with the people they represent. Their private characters stand too, as well as can be said of any body of men. Our dealers in lamp-black, however, go on with their work; and it is asserted by themselves, with no small joy, that they have at last got the government to look, when seen from the south, as black as a ship's bottom—A certain Gazette serves as their tar-kettle—It is trumpeted twice a week; who would have thought our new government—our bright-sided constitution would so soon have got into this trim? It is time to sink her for a hulk. Again they cry why does not Congress attend to the voice of the people? There is great discontent! They might add, we are sure there is, for we made it. There is nothing these people cannot say, and there is no measure which cannot be lied into some discredit. Sons of mischief take an example, as follows:
The rage for innovation is rather a destroyer than a reformer. The excellent trial by jury is the better as well as the safer for its being ancient. It has slowly improved, and time has made it justly venerable. It is scarcely possible that any new plan could be so perfect in its first construction as this mode of trial. Yet it would be one of the easiest things in the world to shew from theory how defective it is. Our levellers could turn out a set of arguments ready cut and dry, at a moment's warning, to shew that it is unconstitutional, dangerous and disgraceful to a free country. They might bellow from their Gazette; with a very slight change of here and there a word, the old story wou'd do. Twelve men are despots. "Lords of our lives and properties. Our imprescriptible and unalienable rights are alienated, trucked off and put into their hands as pawn-brokers, to be delivered back or not as they may think proper—We must take them, damaged or sound, clean or dirty, as they come from these new made lords, our masters hands." What absurdity. Trust questions of science to ignorance—make folly a cause—ask them to tell, and with exactness, what they do not know themselves. What a chance for prejudice, partiality and corruption. "Rich men will buy 12 men, as often as they have occasion, and thus oppress the poor under the color of law. Mens rights will be usurped, and justice turned into a mockery. Freemen, will ye bear this? will ye bow your necks to this tyranny—to this project for making lords by the dozen—to this fair for the sale of conscience—this export and import trade of corruption."
It was not so in 1775—Then the people judged by their committees. Power was kept in the hands which have a right to hold it. For the people are the fountain of power—the true sovereigns of America.

There is not a word of truth in all this flourish, and yet, if juries were now first established by a law of Congress, we should have every word trumpetted in our ears by the false friends of liberty and the people.