Martinsburg Gazette And Public Advertiser

General Assembly.—A few weeks will introduce the session of the General Assembly of Virginia; and the subjects which are probably to occupy their attention, are already beginning to excite enquiry and interest. These are so numerous and weighty, that it will be probably the most important session which has occurred for many years.

In the first rank of interesting subjects, stands the Convention question; and we anticipate with entire confidence, that it will be carried this session in the affirmative, and that the present General Assembly will be illustrated by facilitating a measure demanded for forty years, and heretofore withheld from the decision of the people by the influence of office holders, and an aristocratic apprehension of the competence of the people to new model their Government, with discretion and wisdom. The question will be presented in a shape to test the real republicanism of those who are required to decide it. Will you submit it to the people, who only are interested, to say if there should be a convention or not? Will you acknowledge that the people are really sovereign, by placing in their hands, the destinies of this all important question?—or by again rejecting their petition, will the Legislature say there shall be no Convention—we shall not grant those facilities for ascertaining the sense of the people which they ask of us—it is not fit to trust so important a question as this, with the multitude—theoretically, it is true, we acknowledge their right and competence to self government, but practically, we deny it? These were the opinions of the two last Legislatures, as declared by their acts—such, throughout the world, has always been the conduct of the few, who in all ages, have bridled the people, and rode them with whip and spur. Even now, we should hope but little from those in power, if there was not a coercing rod in public opinion, which will no longer suffer its will to be disobeyed with impunity.

We have recently, had a personal opportunity of making extensive enquiry in the state of public feeling on the Convention question, and we say with confidence that it has never been so decided. Its enemies finding that their resistance must be fruitless at last, and acknowledging that the longer the question is kept undecided, the more exasperated and unfit for calm deliberation public feeling will become, in many instances with patriotic candor, acquiesce in the propriety of submitting the question at once to the people. Others, alarmed at the anti-republican spirit which in two successive Legislatures, defeated a measure involving the sovereignty of the people, have openly, declared for the Convention. On all hands the changes in opinion have been propitious to success. The most inveterate opponents have been softened, and the most neutral friends have been stimulated to decision. The elections in this part of the State resulted in the acquisition of eight or ten friends of a Convention—and if those counties which have supported it for forty years, remain true, the success of the bill will be morally certain in the House of Delegates. In the Senate, there is a well ascertained majority of three.

Throughout the agitation of this question, we have met no man except one who did not acknowledge two facts 1. That there was much that might be amended in the Constitution. 2. That there must be a Convention at no distant day. These things being granted it may be asked with propriety, why not call a Convention at this time? What future time is likely to be more convenient or auspicious? If there are vices in the Constitution, can they be too speedily cured? The longer they tolerated, will they not become the more inveterate and difficult to remove? The arguments in favor of the present time, are invincible—and if there was no other, the importance of JAMES MADISON's aid in the formation of a new Constitution, is conclusive. Uniting in himself the whole experience of the United States in Government—a witness of the first American essay at self government—for forty years a principal actor in its operations—for the last ten years, a philosophic spectator of its movements—himself a profound sage as well as experienced statesman, his loss could never be supplied. Yet the delay of a few years might deprive his country of the rich stores of his wisdom and experience. The same consideration applies with almost equal force to two other great and venerable names, comprising with Mr. Madison's the brightest links that remain to connect the present time with the age of the Revolution. This then, is emphatically the time for a Convention. Come it must, and come it ought, when demanded by every consideration of liberty, justice and necessity. That it will come, and that immediately, we have the greatest confidence—nevertheless we trust its friends will abate nothing in their zeal and activity.

The subject of Internal Improvement will probably come before the Legislature in a definite shape—we mean more particularly the James River Improvement. Mr. Crozet's masterly Report has shed new light on the whole subject and it is hoped that the General Assembly will re-commence under more judicious estimates, and favorable auspices, the prosecution of State Improvement. Steam Boat navigation between Richmond and Lynchburg, reported by the Engineer to be practicable, and cheap compared to a continued Canal, will place Virginia fifty years ahead.

Several other questions of subordinate, but great interest, and upon which it would be needless now to speculate, will occupy the attention of the General Assembly.

In the way of elections, the session will be interesting. There are two counsellors to be scratched, and two new members of that body to be chosen. Conjecture is already busy in designating the two individuals to be sacrificed, under the absurd provision of the Constitution, and whoever they shall be, it is thought two new converts will be added to the cause of the Convention.

As Mr. Randolph's Senatorial term expires on the 3d March, an election of Senator will also probably be made. Mr. Giles and Gov. Tyler have been mentioned as his successors. No man would doubt that Mr. Randolph will be defeated, but from the fear, by the Legislature, that the act would be construed as indicating a relaxation of hostility towards the General Government. But as Mr. Giles is equally decisive as Mr. Randolph, in his opposition as his late exhibitions prove his talents to be brilliant as ever—and as from his superior temper and dignity, his hostility is much more formidable than Mr. Randolph's who from a peculiar fatality has ever injured his own cause and advanced his opponent's, it is thought probable that reasoning in this way, Mr. Giles will displace Mr. Randolph in the Senate. We give the views of others, and not our own. Wishing well to the Administration, we should not object on that ground to see Mr. Randolph re-elected, but wishing still better to our native State, we prefer on her account Gov. Tyler or Wm. B. Giles. Mr. Tazewell it is thought, will be appointed a Judge of the General Court (as he will unquestionably, if he wishes it) in which event, there will be a further vacancy in the Senate.—Constitutional Whig.