Carroll Free Press

Annexation of Texas.

The following is the Message of the President of the United States to the Senate, upon transmitting to that body the Treaty with Texas:

MESSAGE.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit herewith, for your approval and ratification, a treaty, which I have caused to be negotiated between the United States and Texas, whereby the latter, on the conditions therein set forth, has transferred and conveyed all its rights of separate and independent sovereignty and jurisdiction to the United States. In taking so important a step, I have been influenced by what appeared to me to be the most controlling considerations of public policy and the general good; and in having accomplished it, should it meet with your approval, the Government will have succeeded in reclaiming a territory which formerly constituted a portion, as is confidently believed, of its domain, under the treaty of cession of 1803, by France to the United States.

The country thus proposed to be annexed has been settled principally by persons from the United States, who emigrated on the invitation of both Spain and Mexico, and who carried with them into the wilderness which they have partially reclaimed, the laws, customs and political and domestic institutions of their land. They are deeply indoctrinated in all the principles of civil liberty, and will bring along with them, in the act of re-association, devotion to our Union, and a firm inflexible resolution to assist in maintaining the public liberty unimpaired--a consideration which, as it appears to me, is to be regarded as of no small moment. The country itself, thus obtained, is of no incalculable value in an agricultural and commercial point of view.

To a soil of inexhaustible fertility, it unites a genial and healthy climate, and is destined, at a day not distant, to make large contributions to the commerce of the world. Its territory is separated from the United States, in part, by an imaginary line, and by the river Sabine, for a distance of 310 miles; and its productions are the same with those of many of the contiguous States of the Union. Such is the country, such are the inhabitants, and such its capacities to add to the general wealth of the Union. As to the latter, it may be safely asserted, that in the magnitude of its productions, it will equal, in a short time, under the protecting care of this Government, if it does not surpass, the combined productions of many States of the Confederacy. A new and powerful impulse will thus be given to the navigating interest of the country, which will be chiefly engrossed by our fellow citizens of the Eastern and Middle States, who have already attained a remarkable degree of prosperity by the partial monopoly they have enjoyed of the carrying trade of the Union, particularly the coastwise trade which this new acquisition is destined in time, and that not distant, to swell to a magnitude which cannot easily be computed; while the addition made to the boundaries of the home market, thus secured to their mining, manufacturing, and mechanical skill and industry, will be of a character the most commanding and important.

Such are some of the many advantages which will accrue to the Eastern and Middle States by the ratification of the treaty--advantages, the extent of which it is impossible to estimate with accuracy or properly to appreciate.--Texas being adapted to the culture of cotton, sugar, and rice, and devoting most of her energies to the raising of these productions, will open an extensive market to the western States, in the important articles of beef, pork, horses, mules, &c. as well as its breadstuffs. At the same time, the Southern and Southwestern States will find, in the fact of annexation, protection and security to their peace and tranquility, as well as against all domestic as foreign efforts to disturb them; thus consecrating anew the Union of the States, and holding out the promise of its perpetual duration.

Thus, at the same time that the tide of public prosperity is greatly swollen, an appeal, of what appears to the Executive to be of an imposing, if not of a resistless character, is made to the interests of every portion of the country. Agriculture, which would have a new and extensive market opened for its produce; commerce, whose ships would be freighted with the rich productions of an extensive and fertile region; and the mechanical arts, in all their various ramifications, would seem to unite in one universal demand for the ratification of the treaty.

But important as these considerations may appear, they are to be regarded as but secondary to others. Texas, for reasons deemed sufficient by herself, threw off her dependence on Mexico, as far back as 1836, and consummated her independence by the battle of San Jacinto, in the same year; since which period Mexico has attempted no serious invasion of her territory, but the contest has assumed features of a mere border war, characterized by acts revolting to humanity. In the year 1836, Texas adopted her constitution, under which she has existed as a sovereign power ever since, having been recognized as such by many of the principal powers of the world; and contemporaneously with its adoption by a solemn vote of her people, embracing all her population but ninety-three persons, declared her anxious desire to be admitted into association with the United States, as a portion of their territory.

This vote, thus solemnly taken, has never been reversed; and now, by the actions of her constituted authorities, sustained as it is by popular sentiment, she re-affirms her desire of annexation. This course has been adopted by her, without the employment of any sinister measures on the part of this Government. No intrigue has been set on foot to accomplish it. Texas herself wills it, and the Executive of the United States, concurring with her, has seen no sufficient reason to avoid the consummation of an act esteemed to be so desirable by both.

It cannot be denied, that Texas is greatly depressed in her energies by her long protracted war with Mexico. Under these circumstances, it is but natural that she should seek for safety and repose under the protection of some stronger power; and it is equally so that her people should turn to the United States, the land of their birth, in the first instance, in the pursuit of such protection. She has often before made known her wishes: but her advances have, to this time, been repelled. The Executive of the United States sees no longer any cause for pursuing such a course. The hazard of now defeating her wishes may be of the most fatal tendency. It might lead, and most probably would, to such an entire alienation of sentiment and feeling as would inevitably induce her to look elsewhere for aid, and force her either to enter into dangerous alliances with other nations, who, looking with more wisdom to their interests, would, it is fairly to be presumed, readily adopt such expedients; or she would hold out the proffer of discriminating duties on trade and commerce, in order to secure the necessary assistance. Whatever step she might adopt, looking to this object, would prove disastrous, in the highest degree, to the interests of the whole Union. To say nothing of the impolicy of our permitting the carrying trade and home market of such a country to pass out of our hands into those of a commercial rival, the Government, in the first place, would be certain to suffer most disastrously in its revenue by the introduction of a system of smuggling, upon an extensive scale, which an army of custom house officers could not prevent-- and which would operate to affect injuriously the interests of all the industrial classes of this country. Hence would arise constant collisions between the inhabitants of the two countries, which would evermore endanger their peace.

A large increase of the military force of the United States would inevitably follow, thus devolving upon the people new and extraordinary burdens, in order not only to protect them from the danger of daily collision with Texas herself, but to guard their border inhabitants against hostile inroads, so easily excited on the part of the numerous and warlike tribes of Indians dwelling in their neighborhood. Texas would undoubtedly be unable, for many years to come, if at any time, to resist, unaided and alone, the military power of the United States; but it is not extravagant to suppose that nations reaping a rich harvest from her trade, secured to them by advantageous treaties, would be induced to take part with her in any conflict with us, from the strongest considerations of public policy. Such a state of things might subject to devastation the territory of contiguous States, and would cost the country, in a single campaign, more treasure, thrice fold over, than is stipulated to be paid and reimbursed by the treaty now proposed for ratification. I will not permit myself to dwell on this view of the subject.-- Consequences of a fatal character to the peace of the Union and even to the preservation of the Union itself, might be dwelt upon. They will not, however, fail to occur to the mind of the Senate and of the country. Nor do I indulge in any vague conjectures of the future. The documents now transmitted along with the treaty, lead to the conclusion, as inevitable, that is the boon now tendered be rejected. Texas will seek for the friendship of others.

In contemplating such a contingency, it cannot be overlooked that the United States are already almost surrounded by the possessions of European powers. The Canadas, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, the Islands in the American seas, with Texas, trammelled by treaties of alliance, or of a commercial character, differing in policy from that of the United States, would complete the circle. Texas voluntarily steps forth, upon terms of perfect honor and good faith to all nations, to ask to be annexed to the Union as an independent sovereignty her right to do this is unquestionable. In doing so, she gives no cause of umbrage to any other power; her people desire it, and there is no slavish transfer of her sovereignty and independence. She has for eight years maintained her independence against all efforts to subdue her. She has been recognized as independent by many of the most prominent of the family of nations, and that recognition, so far as they are concerned, places her in a position, without giving any just umbrage to them, to surrender her sovereignty at her own will and pleasure.

The United States, actuated evermore by a spirit of justice, has desired, by the stipulations of the treaty, to render justice to all. They have made provision for the payment of the public credit of Texas. We look to her ample and fertile domain as the certain means of accomplishing this; but this is a matter between the United States and Texas, and with which other governments have nothing to do. Our right to receive the rich grant tendered by Texas is perfect: and this government should not, having due respect either to its own honor or its own interests, permit its course of policy to be interrupted by the interference of other powers, even if such interference was threatened. The question is one purely American. In the acquisition, while we abstain most carefully from all that could interrupt the public peace, we claim the right to exercise a due regard to our own. This government cannot, consistently with its honor, permit any such interference. With equal if not greater propriety, might the United States demand of other governments to surrender their numerous and valuable acquisitions, made in time past, at numberless places on the surface of the globe, whereby they have added to their power and enlarged their resources.

To Mexico, the Executive is disposed to pursue a course conciliatory in its character, and at the same time to render her the most ample justice, by conventions and stipulations not inconsistent with the rights and dignity of the Government. It is actuated by no spirit of unjust aggrandizement, but looks only to its own security. It has made known to Mexico, at several periods, its extreme anxiety to witness the termination of hostilities between that country and Texas. Its wishes, however, have been entirely disregarded. It has ever been ready to urge an adjustment of the dispute upon terms mutually advantageous to both. It will be ready at all times to hear & discuss any claims Mexico may think she has on the justice of the United States, and to adjust any that may be deemed to be so on the most liberal terms. There is no desire on the part of the Executive to wound her pride, or affect injuriously her interests: but at the same time, it cannot compromise, by any delay in its action, the essential interests of the United States. Mexico has no right to ask or expect this of us--we deal rightfully with Texas as an independent power. The war which has been waged for eight years has resulted only in the conviction, with all others than herself, that Texas cannot be conquered. I cannot but repeat the opinion, expressed in my message at the opening of Congress, that it is time it had ceased. The Executive while it could not look upon its longer continuance without the greatest uneasiness, has nevertheless, for all past time, preserved a strict course of neutrality. It could not be ignorant of the fact of the exhaustion which a war of so long a duration had produced. Last of all was it ignorant of the anxiety of other powers to induce Mexico to enter into terms of reconciliation with Texas. would operate most injuriously upon the existence of this happy Union. Nor could it be un- acquainted with the fact, that although foreign governments might disavow all design to disturb the relations which exist under the Constitution between these States, yet that one, the most powerful amongst them, had not failed to declare its marked and decided hostility to the chief features in those relations, and its purpose, on all suitable occasions, to urge upon Mexico the adoption of such a course in negotiating with Texas as to provide the obliteration of that feature from her domestic policy, as one of the conditions of her recognition, by Mexico, as an independent State. The Executive was also aware of the fact, that formidable associations of persons, the subjects of foreign powers, existed, who were directing their utmost efforts to the accomplishment of this object. To these conclusions it was inevitably brought by the documents now submitted to the Senate. I repeat, the Executive saw Texas in a state of almost hopeless exhaustion, and the question was narrowed down to the simple proposition, whether the U. S. should accept the boon of annexation on fair and liberal terms, or, by refusing to do so, force Texas to seek a refuge in the arms of some other power, either through a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, or the adoption of some other expedient, which might virtually make her tributary to such power, and dependent upon it for all future time. The Executive has full reason to believe that such would have been the result, without its interposition, and that such will be the result, in the event of an unnecessary delay in the ratification, or of the rejection of the proposed treaty.

In full view, then, of the highest public duty, and as a measure of security against evils incalculably great, the Executive has entered into the negotiation the fruits of which are now submitted to the Senate. Independent of the urgent reasons which existed for the step it has taken, it might safely invoke the fact, which it confidently believes, that there exists no civilized Government on earth, having a voluntary tender made it of a domain so rich and fertile, so replete with all that can add to national greatness and wealth, and so necessary to its peace and safety, that would reject the offer. Nor are other powers, Mexico inclusive, likely, in any degree, to be injuriously affected by the ratification of the treaty. The prosperity of Texas will be equally interesting to all; in the increase of the general commerce of the world, that prosperity will be secured by annexation.

But one view of the subject remains to be presented. It grows out of the proposed enlargement of our territory.-- From this, I am free to confess, I see no danger. The federative system is susceptible of the greatest extension compatible with the ability of the representation of the most distant State or Territory to reach the Seat of Government in time to participate in the functions of legislation, and to make known the wants of the constituent body. Our confederate republic consisted originally of thirteen members. It now consists of twice that number, while applications are before Congress to permit other additions.

This addition of new States has served to strengthen rather than to weaken the Union. New interests have sprung up, which require the united power of all, through the action of the common Government, to protect and defend upon the high seas and in foreign parts.-- Each State commits with perfect security, to that common Government those great interests growing out of our relations with other nations of the world, and which equally involve the good of all the States. Its domestic concerns are left to its own exclusive management.

But if there were any force in the objection, it would seem to require an immediate abandonment of territorial possessions which lie in the distance, and stretch to a far off sea; and yet no one would be found, it is believed, ready to recommend such an abandonment. Texas lies at our very door, and in our immediate vicinity.

Under every view which I have been able to take of the subject, I think that the interests of our common constituents the People of all the States, and lovers of the Union, left the Executive no other alternative than to negotiate the treaty. The high and solemn duty of ratifying or of rejecting it, is wisely devolved on the Senate by the Constitution of the United States:

JOHN TYLER.
Washington, April 22, 1844.