Richmond Enquirer

RICHMOND, OCT. 11.

To Bushrod Washington, Esq. President of the American Colonization Society

FOR THE ENQUIRER.

American Colonization Society

Sir : The high character which you sustain in the country as well as your office as President of the American Colonization Society, would have indicated you in the first place as the proper person to be addressed in any remarks upon the principle and objects of your association, had I not been influenced by a wish to arrest the progress of a growing mischief, which had already approached the limits of my own threshold. It was for that reason only, that my two former communications were addressed to the President and Members of the Auxiliary Society of Powhatan. I now beg leave, however, to redeem myself from this apparent neglect, and to offer to you some small token of my recollection of the part which you are acting in this mischievous affair; in which I shall terminate, for the present; any further discussion of this subject, after having very briefly pointed out the progress and the alarming tendency of the doctrines which your Society is now engaged in propagating through the land.

I do not expect to be able to change your opinions upon this subject, or to make a proselyte of you, by any efforts of mine. Many considerations exist to prevent the indulgence of such a hope.-- For, while all unite, in according to you, an unsullied private character, you are known to hold opinions in regard to the powers of the federal constitution; and, upon the subject of slavery, which have long placed you in concert with those most unfriendly to the interests of the slave-holding states The public avowal of these opinions, and the compliments which have been so handsomely paid you, by placing you at the head of the parent association, must convince me how vain would be the attempt to overthrow an old man's opinions, thus supported by his pride and his prejudices. It is possible too, sir, in the discharge of this duty, I may indulge in a freedom of remark and a rigour of examination, not altogether reconcilable with the quiet of your feelings, and of those with whom you are acting. But, I beg you to be assured, that I shall not wantonly and unnecessarily seek to inflict pain or uneasiness upon you. But when principles and objects are avowed, which threaten the destruction of the peace and happiness of half the Union; and, for the attainment of which, the federal constitution itself is to be violated, it becomes the duty of every good citizen, not only to denounce the mischief, but to point the finger of censure and disapprobation at the authors themselves. And should you suffer from so unpleasant a distinction, your reflection must be, that its correction is at all times in your own hands.

Bear with me then, sir, while I trace the progress of this mischievous sentiment which has recently manifested itself in such excess of sensibility at the existence of Southern Slavery: and, while I mark its advances from the smallest beginnings, down to the present period, when, sheltering itself under the sacred forms of religion and the auspices of your society, it is now actively engaged in scattering the seeds of misery and disunion in the Country, with all the concert and effect which organized associations can give it.

In the contemplation of this subject, it will be a source of no little instruction to us, to take a brief view of the state of public sentiment, upon the subject of slavery, as it existed at the time of the adoption of the federal constitution, and from thence, up to the period of the establishment of your society; and to contrast the harmony and general tranquillity which obtained in all parts of the Union, upon this subject, with the alarming doctrines and excited sensibility, which recent political movements and the operations of your society have developed.

It is well known to you, that the Constitution of the United States, at the time of its adoption, was the result of a liberal spirit of compromise, not only of moral and political opinions, but of the various and discordant interests, which obtained in the different portions of the Union. Upon no one subject, was this spirit of liberality and mutual concession more distinctly manifested, than upon the subject of slavery. Hence, the origin of that provision of the constitution, which, while it gives to the Northern section of the Union all the advantages of an increased subject for the apportionment of direct taxes in the South, makes our slaves, to a certain extent, the measure of representation. It was the same liberal sentiment in regard to the interests of the Southern States, that dictated that other provision of the same instrument, by which the power to restrain the importation of slaves into the U. S. was denied to Congress, until after the year 1808,

In the same spirit of good feeling, did the subject of slavery continue to be regarded, until recently; when we behold, as if by some secret concert, the establishment of your society, and certain extraordinary political movements upon this subject, manifesting themselves in the proceedings of the Federal, and some of the State Legislatures of the most alarming and dangerous character. I do not mean to say, Sir, that such concert actually exists, or that your society was originally founded with any view to the abolition of slavery in the U. S. But, I believe I shall have but little difficulty in proving to the satisfaction of all unprejudiced minds, that the original objects of your association have been changed, and that views and objects are now in contemplation, which formed no part of your original purpose: And that your society, from its very nature and tendency, has formed a sort of nucleus, around which, all the elements of discontent and disaffection, upon the subject of slavery, have been gathered: And that the dangerous political movements to which I have had allusion, if not the immediate result of your association, have received a countenance and support from your doctrines, which mark an identity of feelings, and a common object with you. To your mind, the proof of the facts upon which this opinion is founded, cannot be necessary; but to the great mass of the community it will be interesting; and the encroachments of your society, in the space of nine years, will appear, if not wicked, at least extraordinary. Let us then see, by reference to the proceedings of the meeting held at Davis' Hotel the 21st of December, 1816, in which your society was first organized and which were published in the National Intelligencer of that period, the declarations which were then given to the world as to the objects of your association. The meeting being organized and Mr. H. Clay called to the Chair, addressed it at considerable length as to its objects, and, among other things, said 'It was proper and necessary, distinctly to state, that he understood it constituted no part of the object of this meeting, to touch or agitate in the slightest degree, a delicate, question connected with another portion of the coloured population of our country. It was not proposed to deliberate upon, or consider at all, any question of emancipation, or that was connected with the abolition of slavery. It was upon that condition alone, he was sure, that many gentlemen from the South and West whom he saw present had attended, or could be expected to co-operate. It was upon that condition only, that he himself had attended.' Upon the same occasion Mr. Elias B. Caldwell, lately the Secretary of your Society, also made the following declarations. The ultimate object which this association has in view, is peculiarly recommended by its steering clear of all those nice and delicate questions; of all those feelings and interests and prejudices which are so intimately connected and interwoven with every question respecting the slaves.' But Mr. Jno. Randolph (of Roanoke,) who took part in the same debate, is if possible more distinct: and if