The Republic

Webster in New Jersey.

We have already alluded to the reception of Mr. Webster at Trenton last week. From the Newark Daily Advertiser we learn that on Friday, at noon, the committee of the two houses, and several other gentlemen, including Commodore Stockton and Hon. R. M. Price, entered the State House with the Secretary of State. A rush was made by the large crowd without, and in a moment the Assembly Hall was filled. Mr. Canfield, after silence was obtained, announced Mr. Webster in these words: "Gentlemen of the Senate and General Assembly, Daniel Webster." Mr. Zabriskie, the chairman of the committee, then addressed Mr. Webster, and was replied to as follows:

MR. WEBSTER'S REPLY.

Senators and Assemblymen of New Jersey:

It becomes me, on this imposing, and I may say overwhelming occasion, to do little more than express in a few words, and those significant in the highest degree, my acknowledgments for the honor you have conferred upon me.

However humbly I may think of myself—and I do think most humbly—it is not for me to disparage your judgment; nor should I, nor do I feel that, so far as motives—patriotic motives and steady purpose to maintain the liberties of the country through a life now somewhat protracted, are concerned—I do not feel that, so far as motives are concerned, any thing more than justice has been awarded. For the rest, I owe it to your love of your country.

Allow me to say that there is no State in the Union—not even that in which I was born, nor that in which I have so long lived, and which has honored me by maintaining me in the public councils of the country—whose soil I tread with more exciting recollections of revolutionary times, and the subsequent struggles of our country, than of New Jersey. At an early period of my life I traversed your State from end to end, and through every spot where the blood of Americans, and of the sons of New Jersey, was spilt in the defence of their liberty. I feel a hallowed regard for those scenes. I feel the deepest sympathy for the sufferings of the men of New Jersey, and of other States, who were obliged in the march of the American army to track a pathway of blood. It is impossible I should forget how much, at the most critical period of the Revolution, is owing to the indomitable patriotism and sufferings of New Jersey.

It has been my fortune through the last thirty years to become acquainted in the councils of the nation with eminent sons of New Jersey, and can say, with truth and sincerity, that I have found among them, without distinction of political feeling, the loftiest principles, the purest patriotism, and just devotion to the principles of the Constitution.

Let me add, in respect to the resolutions of the Legislature of New Jersey, that they could have proceeded from no similar source standing higher in my regard and political affection.

It would not become me to say more on this occasion, except that I feel it a dictate of clear duty, that in regard to those portions of my public service alluded to by Mr. Zabriskie, both on the first and latter occasion, while seeking to perform the official duties my station devolved upon me, I had the entire approbation of the Chief Magistrate of the country. And on recent occasions, I feel it a duty to say, there has been an entire coincidence of sentiment between the distinguished citizen at the head of the Government and myself.

Senators and Assemblymen: Let me say, it has been your pleasure to confer on me such a marked distinction as I never before received. Let me say, with a humble and grateful heart, that I shall carry the recollection of this mark of respect to the end of my life.

Commodore Stockton being called upon by the audience after Mr. Webster and the committee retired, spoke as follows:

COMMODORE STOCKTON'S SPEECH.

Senators and Gentlemen of the Assembly, and Fellow Citizens too: I presume that you will imagine that I am very fond of making speeches. However much I might desire to make a speech, this is not the occasion or the place. No power on earth, I had thought, could have dragged out of me a speech, and if the Senate and Assembly had wanted any further proof of my desire to serve them, my affection for them and willingness to sacrifice myself for them, they have it in my compliance in now addressing them. This venerated hall, distinguished so long for the services of so many eminent men, and early associations of the State, has this day been honored in a way which, if the spirits of our fathers hovered o'er us, would rejoice them.

Friends, if there is any thing that can excite the mind, it is the contemplation of the affection bestowed upon the possessor of high virtues and lofty intellectual attainments. And when we feel we can lay down party predilections, when we can come up forgetting party strife, and lay down upon the altar of our country sectional prejudices, and applaud these without distinction of party, it is a triumph over the selfishness of the human mind that we may feel proud of. Battles may be fought, and victories won, and fields deluged with the blood of their deluded victims. Victory in all ages has received honors. But those who have won them have generally been actuated by some invincible necessity—ambition, or the lust of power.

This is a proud day for those here assembled, and New Jersey. I feel it as a New Jerseyman, as a man, as a patriot, and a Christian. Whenever I contemplate Mr. Webster my heart goes up in devout aspirations to Heaven, that it has endowed one of our species with such virtue and intellect. It is not simply for his manly form, that noble brow which seems placed there as a crown by the Almighty; but the virtue of the man. I have known him for thirty years; I have seen him sitting among the wise and good in the councils of the nation; I have sat as a boy, and heard the words of wisdom falling from those lips, which I deemed inspired. And I say it before this assembly, and before the world, that if there is a patriotic heart in any man, that heart is in the body of Daniel Webster. I have heard him at various times discourse of public affairs in private, and I have never heard a word that might be construed against his country or her interests, or that should not emanate from a great and pure man. I have seen him in the sports of the field, with his gun upon his shoulder, following my own dogs; and whenever and wherever I have seen him he was the same great and pure man.

You need not be surprised at my hesitation, and think my concern affected, for the great talents of our distinguished guest are enough to petrify my insignificant and measurable abilities. I could not let the occasion pass without raising my feeble voice in welcome to our guest, and I am proud of this occasion of performing a duty to exalted worth.

And having said that, allow me to say a few words about our State and myself, as myself is about the most agreeable subject I can talk about.

Mr. Webster has justly and truly said that whenever he crossed the borders of our territory the enthusiasm of patriotism kindled in his breast was greater than anywhere else. Mr. W. is one of the men who has studied the history of New Jersey. I recommend it to you, my friends. Her history has never yet been written. It will be written some day, and I undertake to say it will be the brightest page of the history of the country; not only when it recounts her military exploits in the Revolution, but when it enlightens the world with her steady perseverance in maintaining her institutions in times of peace, which were fought for and acquired in times of war; their moral effect has made the heart of the nation leap with joy and pride.

New Jersey has never yet been heard in the affairs of the country. Now she has a voice there. But the other day, as your representative, I called the wisdom of the metropolis around even me, and told them what New Jersey had suffered and done—that she had fought more and done more, and received less reward, than any other State.

There has never been such an exhibition in the history of nations. She has gone on steadily, and never boasted; but, thank God, she has now got a man that will boast. Depending on Jerseymen, you would hardly know that they had ever suffered or ever fought any battles, and you would suppose that they had received all they were entitled to. When you come to look at her history you would be amazed at what she has accomplished, and astonished at how little has been done for her. Her immense resources are inexhaustible.

Her hills, filled with iron and copper, are lying dead, and they have been dragging the money out of your pockets in consequence of an eternally fluctuating revenue system. I shall not be a beggar at their doors. I shall insist—that is good Democratic doctrine, at least now-a-days—I shall insist upon dragging the iron out of our mountains and transporting it to the seacoasts. I am aware that I am about to tread upon delicate ground, and I hope that no one will take offence, for I mean none. I do it on the principle that the operations of the General Government shall contribute to the development of your resources as they have done for other States. I intend to get this of iron as well as of glass included in a tariff system, if they will pass it. The question of a protective tariff was always a Democratic measure in New Jersey. The first resolution on this subject was introduced by Mr. Wilson. No one will doubt that he was a Democrat—a man of eminence and of worth—the leader of the Democracy in New Jersey. But soon after that the party split. One side went off carrying the thunder with them, and it was all the thunder they had, and they would not let the matter be settled, and it became a party question.

With an annual expenditure of $50,000,000 staring us in the face, is there any thing more ridiculous than to talk about the vagaries of free trade? To raise this amount it would require 38½ per cent. on all our imports, and when we all know that this would be prohibitory, what becomes of the free trade doctrine?