The Massachusetts Spy, And Worcester County Advertiser

PANAMA MISSION.

[The Washington papers have, at length, obtained copies of, and published, the documents relating to the Panama Mission. A perusal of them will satisfy any man of the motives which induced the Senate to endeavor to suppress their publication, for they completely refute the objections which were raised against the mission, and show the opposition to have been factions and unprincipled.] "The principal document is the letter of instructions from the Secretary of State, Henry Clay, under the direction of the President, to the ministers. It would occupy nearly two pages of our paper. It is agreed, on all hands, to be a state paper of uncommon ability, and one which will remain a lasting monument of the talents of its author. For the following abstract of its contents, we are indebted to the Providence Journal:]

The instructions are dated May 8, 1826. The relations of the United States to the other American powers, are assigned as the reason which induced the President to accept the invitation of Colombia, Mexico, and Central America, to send ministers to Panama. The importance of such a Congress upon the destinies of the new world is alluded to, the assemblage of the ministers of independent American States being a new epoch in human affairs. The fact is stated that ministers of some of the powers have already arrived at Panama, and the United States ministers are directed to proceed thither with all possible dispatch. The subjects to be treated of with the powers are peace, friendship, commerce, maritime law, neutral and belligerent rights. The form of proceeding is distinctly understood to be diplomatic, and not legislative; no State to be bound to any act of the majority, but by its own assent, all treaties, &c., to be subject to ratification by the governments at home, according to their respective constitutions. All notion is rejected of an Amphyctyonic Council to decide controversies between the States. The improbability that such an idea will be entertained by the Congress, and the impossibility of this government acceding to it, are clearly pointed out. If treaties cannot be formed with all the nations, the United States' ministers are to form treaties with such of the States as will enter into them, on advantageous terms, unless it should lead to unfriendly feelings, in which case they are to be declined altogether. The neutrality of the United States between Spain and South America is to be strictly observed, and no act is to compromise her settled pacific policy. In those subjects relating to the war with Spain, our ministers are to take no part, and refrain from their discussion. Should an alliance, with a view to counteract the Holy Alliance, be proposed, our ministers would decline entering into it. There is here a view of the policy of the Holy Alliance, the check supposed to have been produced by the declaration of Mr. Monroe to their making common cause against South America, and the evident intention on the part of the Alliance not to interfere between Spain and her colonies, which it is impossible to compress, and give any correct idea of it. Allusion is made to the attempts of the late Emperor of Russia, to effect a peace between Spain and her colonies, and the avowal of his successor, that he will follow in his steps, is mentioned as one among other evidences that the foreign powers will not aid Spain in the contest. The policy of the U. States, in avoiding all foreign alliances, is fully recognised, and laid down as a settled maxim; although an exigency may arise to render such alliance necessary with South America. None such, however, now exists. If the other members of Congress should insist on such alliance, the proposal is to be referred to our government for consideration, it being the belief of the President, however, that it would be rejected. The danger of grants of perpetual commercial privileges to a foreign power, by the South American states, is enforced, and the necessity of cultivating peace and co-operation among themselves, strongly urged. Our ministers are to urge the adoption of the maritime principles contended for by the United States, to abolish war against private property and non-combatants on the ocean, and to establish the rule that free ships shall make free goods. The importance of these principles is clearly pointed out. A definition of blockade is to be proposed, to avoid the misunderstanding that now exists on this point. The fixing some general principles for the mutual regulation of commercial intercourse is considered very desirable. The United States to seek no privileges that are not enjoyed in common, and none to be granted by one state to any foreign power, that are not extended to all the states. On this point there is forcible and perspicuous reasoning. No treaty is to be formed with any state which grants more commercial privileges to any other power, than is conceded to the United States. This broad and liberal principle to be enforced without the slightest compromise. Entire reciprocity in the importation and exportation from American ports, in American vessels, and equalization of duties, on all articles allowed to be imported by law are urgently pressed. The reasons in support of this principle are full and conclusive. Should it not be acceded to, a modification is to be urged, extending the principle to the productions and manufactures of America, including the West Indies, or if this fail, the offer to be made to any one state that will accept it, as the United States law now possesses this reciprocity to all nations. The subject of preventing a formation of new European colonies in the Americas, is touched upon, and a joint declaration of the states against any such future project, recommended—such declaration only to bind the states to act individually. The invasion of Cuba and Porto Rico, is deprecated, and the continuance of their present relation, enforced by powerful arguments. The Ministers are instructed to earnestly oppose any project for the conquest of those Islands, by South America. The advantages of a Canal through the Isthmus of Darien, are pointed out as deserving consideration. The recognition of the independence of Hayti, if proposed, is to be left to the decision of each state. The President is not prepared to admit the propriety of such recognition. A free toleration in matters of religion, is to be pressed upon the new states. The operation of this principle in the United States is happily illustrated. In all treaties, liberty of religious worship in the respective territories, is to be stipulated for, if possible. Finally, the subject of the forms of government is to be considered, but with no spirit of propagandism on the part of the United States. Preferring her form of government to all others, she is still content to see others in the full enjoyment of their own systems. The paper concludes with a view of the situation of South America, and the impossibility of her reduction to the colonial state, she has emerged from.

Annexed, under date of March, 1827, are instructions to Messrs. Sergeant and Poinsett, which last was associated with Mr. S. on the death of Mr. Anderson. They merely refer to the former paper, with the addition of an admission that the ambitious views of Bolivar, lately disclosed, had diminished the confidence of the President and Mr. Clay in the favorable results of the proposed Congress. This anticipation has been verified, and to the military Chieftain of South America, may be attributed the failure of the immense results that might have been produced by the deliberations of that Assembly.

We have thus given the outlines of this admirable paper, which presents subjects fit to engage the deliberation of the most profound statesmen. If such are the evidences of folly and misrule in the last administration, the country will be safe should the wisest measure of its successor—but equal that folly.