Kentucky Gazette

For the Kentucky Gazette.

MR. BRADFORD,

THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE, is a document peculiarly worthy of the prompt attention of Congress. Notwithstanding it has some of the old leaven which has so long weakened the exertions of the nation—Namely, a hope of peace through the medium of negotiation. Still it breathes a spirit of more determination, than has, unhappily, characterized the executive at any former period of the war.

Doubtful as I have been for some time past, of the bare possibility of the President's being convinced that we are at war with a base and perfidious enemy, it is with no little gratification I peruse, in his message, the following sentences:

"Availing himself of fortuitous advantages, our enemy is aiming, with his undivided force, a deadly blow at our growing prosperity, perhaps at our national existence. He has avowed his purpose of trampling on the usages of civilized warfare, and given earnest of it in the plunder and wanton destruction of private property. In his pride of maritime dominion, and in his thirst of commercial monopoly, he strikes with peculiar animosity at the progress of our navigation, and of our manufactures. His barbarous policy has not even spared those monuments of the arts, and models of taste with which our country had enriched and embellished its infant metropolis. From such an adversary hostility in its greatest force, and in its worst forms may be looked for."

After these declarations, I will hope that imbecility will be driven from our councils. For one, I do sincerely thank the President for such a message, nor am I sorry, inasmuch as I do now look forward for energetic measures, that the enemy made a visit to the capitol. Extreme affliction often brings about reformation, and if the conduct of the British barbarians shall have impressed Congress with a degree of distrust, similar to what the President has avowed—surely they will rouse from their lethargy, and hasten to place our beloved country in such an attitude as will enable it to give a proud defiance to the banditti with whom we are at war.

The British, in employing the Indians to murder in cold blood—in their enormities at Hampton, and elsewhere—and in arming our slaves against us; have justified a resort, on our side, to any means whatever, that can annoy them. Two modes present themselves, which if adopted, cannot fail to produce advantages to us, and confusion to them.

First. Offer a reward equivalent to the value of the ship and tackle &c. together with the privilege of citizenship to the crew of every British armed vessel, they shall bring into our ports.

Secondly. Offer a reward of 150 acres of land, and a reasonable pension for life, with a privilege of citizenship to the soldiers of their armies, if they will abandon their standards, or join our ranks, as they might choose.

I say, and the assertion cannot be refuted, that the barbarous and inhuman manner in which the enemy wages war against us, warrants our appeal to such means of annoyance.

That the system here recommended would be productive of benefit to us, I have no doubt. For once let their soldiers and sailors know that we will not only protect, but remunerate them—whether they add to our navy or to our army, or population, by the proffer, or not, still we shall be profited—for such an offer will be much more dreaded by the British admirals and generals, than our Torpedoes. It will diminish their force whilst it adds to ours.

These modes of annoyance would surely act as powerful auxiliaries in our cause—and no time, I think, should be lost, nor any exertion spared to convey a proclamation of them to the sailors and soldiers of the enemy.

Another measure of energy and retaliation should be resorted to—namely: to give no quarter to the officers of the enemy surprised in illegitimate warfare! This step is not only warranted by their barbarous and cruel treatment to our privateersmen, a profession sanctioned by all nations—but by every principle of sound law and morality. And should such wretches as Bronson and Hanson &c. dare even to call in question another act of the government, having the public safety in view as its object—let them be immediately punished. It is time to frown on traitors and to chastise them. It is time that our slightest frown should be the harbinger of woe to all our enemies. And here I would ask—is the base sale of Alexandria to pass unpunished? Are the miscreants who sold it to the enemy to escape unquestioned? Surely not.

"Millions for defence—but not a cent for tribute" is a maxim which ought to and must be the political creed of every true American. Will not Congress then place confidence enough in the nation as to provide means for conducting the war with such spirit, firmness and ability, as shall tend to its speedy and happy issue.

The President has nobly performed his duty. He avows to Congress his firm conviction of the national will and ability to overwhelm our enemy with disaster and disgrace—and they may rest assured that his convictions are well founded—and that the nation expects them to be firm, decided and determined—that, in short, deeds and not words will henceforth characterize them.

HANCOCK.