Lynchburg Daily Virginian

The European War.
[From the London Times, July 4.]

It is unnecessary for us to enlarge on the great essential importance of Austria as a member of this alliance, for the events now occurring in the east of Europe demonstrate beyond all possibility of a doubt that Austria is the natural guardian of the independence of those provinces which have been happily termed "the Low Countries of the Danube;" that her geographical position gives her a preponderating influence on questions which no other power can acquire; and that if, instead of adhering to the general policy of Europe, Austria had lent herself to abet the designs of Russia, the whole force of the western powers could hardly have saved the Ottoman empire from destruction, while the calamities of war would have extended to every part of the continent. These propositions are now self-evident, and we have the strongest reason to congratulate ourselves on the wise and straightforward policy which has prevailed at Vienna over all other considerations. But what is the inference to be drawn from these facts, and what opinion are we to entertain of those politicians who, in absolute and willful blindness to the real dangers to which Europe is exposed, have allowed their passions to carry them into declared hostility to one of the essential allies of their country! Suppose the Austrian empire to be dismembered and broken up into the multifarious races of which it is composed, but none of which is sufficiently strong or united to form an independent government of its own, can anything be more evident than that the barrier opposed by Austria to the spirit of conquest and aggression would be swept away, and that the great military Powers of the continent would thenceforth dictate their own terms to the East and to the West of Europe? It is for this reason that in the course of those struggles which convulsed the Austrian empire a few years ago we steadily kept in view that condition which we believed to be the most essential to the general interests of our policy. The independence of Italy, and the constitutional cause in Hungary, are no doubt subjects which powerfully affect the sympathies of Englishmen, and of all those who have at heart the welfare of those fine countries and the progress of free institutions. But the agitators and revolutionists who attempted to accomplish their objects by violence, and by the destruction of the power of Austria were, in truth, only preparing an easy prey to the attacks of Russia, of which they themselves would have been the first victims. The effect of the war in Italy and of the insurrection in Hungary was mainly to throw Austria into a position of dependence on Russia which was inconsistent with the part she has to play in Europe: and the events of the past year demonstrate that Russia relied on that sense of dependence to paralyze the opposition of Austria to her schemes. We hold it to be one of the greatest services that could be rendered by England and France to the general interest of Europe to have rescued Austria from that position, by causing her to look once more with confidence to their friendship, by placing her in her ancient and legitimate station at the head of Germany, and by encouraging her to defend her rights as one of the leading States of the continent. What were the causes which encouraged the Emperor of Russia to attempt the outrage of the Menschikoff mission? He relied upon the known repugnance of this country to war, upon the supposed want of cordiality with France, upon the internal embarrassment and prostrate condition of Austria, upon the servility of the wretched Prince who still reigns at Berlin. A year has passed away, and he finds England armed and eager in the prosecution of hostilities. France closely allied to the rest of Europe, Austria emancipated from the bondage of the Russian alliance, and the Prussian nation, at least, eager to repudiate the degrading vacillations of their King. These are the results of a year of tedious but successful negotiations, and though the time is now come when the direct action of contending armies supersedes these transactions of cabinets, we may confidently affirm that no war was ever commenced under circumstances more favorable to the objects we have in view.

From an early period in those negotiations we have entertained a strong opinion, amounting to confidence, that the Emperor of Austria would be led by his own sense to what was due to his position in the world, and by the evident necessity which dictated that line of policy to unite his forces to those of the Western Powers; and we have never ceased to argue that this union was the first condition of success to that cause which now comprehends all that is most precious to mankind. Our confidence has not been misplaced, and, although a numerous class of writers who take a more contracted view of these subjects, have labored as zealously as if they had been in the Russian interest to defeat this European combination, and to sow distrust and vindictive feelings in place of union and good will, the magnitude of the occasion has prevailed over every other consideration, and allied us to the government of Austria by the same ties and for the same purposes as those which already connect us with the government of France. In both of these empires it is the external policy, the public engagements, & the military power of their respective sovereigns which constitute the basis of this alliance with us, and not their internal administration or institutions. With these we are not concerned: but we will venture to add, that if Europe is hereafter restored to a more free and healthy condition of internal government, if the intercourse of nations becomes more unreserved, if standing armies are reduced at the peace, and the evil of universal armaments abated, these happy results will be mainly due to the influence and strength of this alliance in upholding the public law of Europe, and in setting limits to the pernicious ascendancy which Russia has too long exercised beyond the boundaries of her own empire.