Daily National Intelligencer

Journal of the Old Congress.—When the resolution for directing the publication of the Journal of the Old Congress was ordered to be read a third time, a few days ago, our Reporter had not reached the Hall. There was some debate on the question, therefore, which was not reported. A friend, who was present, has favored us with an account of it, from which the following is compiled:

Mr. STROTHER rose and said, that he thought it indispensably his duty to call up a motion he had made some time before; that certainly the time had arrived, when no reason could longer exist for refusing to publish the Secret Journals of the Old Congress; that, in making this motion, he did not mean to allude to any particular measures or the actors in them. All he should say on that subject was, that whatever they contained should be known to the people; that, if it appeared from them, there were subjects of great national concern agitated, the consequences of which would have been of the highest importance, and there were men who, on those occasions, have rendered great services to their country by their exertions in defending their rights, Mr. Strother said it ought to be known, that every man might have that credit with his country he is entitled to. If, on the contrary, there were men who, in their opinion, had acted wrong, or wished to sacrifice any of the interests belonging to the Union, and which they did not consider as peculiarly favorable to the states they represented, but which might be injurious to them—if there were such men still alive, and who might possibly be brought forward as candidates for office, was it not equally proper that the whole of their public conduct should also be known; or how can the public judge, while the veil of secrecy is still thrown over it? Mr. Strother thought that it was highly proper that nothing which was of importance to the country, and which had been previously agitated in our public councils at that distant day, should be kept from the public eye. He adverted to the strange appearance it might have that the Secret Journal of Congress should be published during the Revolutionary War, when the secrets might be considered as of more delicacy and importance than in time of peace, when there was reason to suppose none such, or at least none of equal importance could have existed.

Mr. Strother made many other remarks on the subject, tending to prove the extreme propriety of any longer withholding from the public a view of the Secret Journal, which he contended would cost but very little, and did not consist of more than 60 or 80 pages, and were all transcribed and ready for publication; to prove which, he read a letter he held in his hand, from Mr. Secretary Adams, to that effect.

Mr. Strother then moved to take up the resolution he had himself moved, for the publication of the Secret Journal.

After he had closed, some desultory conversation took place, which, showing that many members would vote against it—

Mr. C. Pinckney said, that he hoped the motion would prevail, that it was difficult to see what reasons could exist against it; that, if the secret Journal of the Old Congress, from 1775 to 1783, (the conclusion of the peace) were ordered to be published, why not these? in the former, it might have been much more improper than in the latter, because the whole of the Secret Journals contained the secret proceedings of Congress during the war, in which there may have been many private negotiations with different states in Europe, which those states might not wish to have exposed. That was the time also when spies, and private emissaries, and agents were necessary, and in many cases indispensable, some of whom might be alive, or their families, who would not wish it known that their friends had been engaged in practices generally not deemed honorable. But, from the year 1783 to 1789, the commencement of the new government, no such secret could exist. He understood from information which came from the Secretary of State, that the whole of the remainder did not contain more half sixty or eighty pages—not the size of any of the voluminous documents published this session—the expense, therefore, would be but small. As to the contents, Mr. Pinckney said, he was in Congress about half the time from 1783 to 1789; but, during that time, an event occurred which must be recorded on the Secret Journal, which, in his judgment, alone made it necessary that this part of the Journal should be published. It was a long time since it had occurred, and therefore what he stated, would of course be to the best of his recollection. If there should be any mistakes, he would be willing to correct them; as it was an event of great importance, in his opinion, in the civil history of this country, and to which he had alluded in his observations on the Missouri Bill, but which he would now more particularly state, as he had heard that what he had said before must have been misunderstood.

Mr. Pinckney said, that, in 1785 or '6, he believed '6, two or three years after the peace, Spain, being very anxious on the subject, sent out Don Diego de Gardoqui, as her Minister, to this country, with instructions to offer to the United States a treaty of commerce, which she said was an advantageous one, if we would, in the same treaty, consent to give up the navigation of that part of the Mississippi, which ran through the Spanish dominions, for 25 years. Mr. John Jay was the Secretary of Foreign Affairs. The treaty, according to the then routine of business, was referred to him to report his opinion, and, to the best of his remembrance, he recommended its adoption. Seven, being all eastern and northern states, did vote for it: but owing to the confederation requiring nine states as necessary to form a treaty, it was defeated. Mr. Pinckney said, that, if any part of the public business of this country, in which he had any agency, gave him more pleasure than another, it was the agency he had in association with the distinguished gentleman now high in office in Washington, in preventing it. He believed he might venture to say, it was owing to them and another, now gone, that the whole of the western country was saved to us; that the Mississippi still flows through American lands, and that her members here, so honorably fill these seats. And having, as he observed on the Missouri question, and, let him here repeat it, contributed, at that distant day, to save the parent, he felt great pleasure on the late great occasion, in contributing his humble efforts to save her children.

The resolution was taken up and passed.