Richmond Enquirer

COMMUNICATED.

TO THE WHIGS OF VIRGINIA.

My Dear Friends:—By the courtesy of the Editors, I am allowed an opportunity to commune with you. Old as I am, my zeal has not been diminished by age, or dampened by political disappointment, the most deplorable of all misfortunes to an ambitious mind. Egotism is pardonable in old men, who generally like to think and to talk of events, to which they were eye-witnesses, or in which they participated. Pardon me for saying to you, that I was on the political stage during those blessed and never to-be-forgotten days, when the elder Adams was at the head of our affairs. Whatever of intellect and ingenuity of address and diplomacy I possessed, was exercised in sustaining his administration, especially those celebrated, acts known as the Alien and Sedition Laws. I went farther than our friend, Mr. Leigh, who says he approved of "the principles" of the Alien Law; for, I advocated "the principles" and the details of both of those laws. The civil revolution of 1800 overthrew the party to which I was attached, and I, among others, was compelled to retire to the shades of private life. I have studied man, and scrutinised the machinations and the workings of party. I claim, like yourselves, to be honest; and whatever you may think of my honesty, you certainly will not hesitate to award to me credit for candour, and an entire exemption from that disguise which but too frequently characterizes public men and political aspirants.

The Administration of Mr. Jefferson, that of Mr. Madison, and also that of Mr. Monroe, received the approbation of the great mass of the Republican Party—but not so with the Federalists, one of whom I claim to be. The Federal Party made great exertions to prevent the election of Mr. Jefferson, against whom the shafts of party detraction were thrown, but thrown in vain. He was abused, calumniated, and reviled, with a bitterness, a zeal, and rancour, unparalleled in the annals of this country, but all to no purpose. The silly people would not believe us, and elected Th. Jefferson, notwithstanding the thousand and one lies fabricated and circulated to blast his prospects and his fame. I opposed his administration, and I also opposed the war with Great Britain in 1812, and I am happy to know, that our friend Mr. Leigh did the same. Gloomy indeed were the prospects of our party, till that great and enlightened man, Mr. Clay, secured the election of J. Q. Adams by the Congress of the U. States, and thus frustrated the wishes of those visionary and deluded people called Republicans. Then it was, that Mr. Clay made a master stroke—dispelled our gloom, and illuminated our path. Our rejoicings were great—our happiness exquisite. But the pleasures of the Federalists have been evanescent and short-lived. I sustained the re-election of Mr. Adams, but the stiff-necked and stupid people routed me and my friends. At the last Presidential election, Mr. Leigh and myself both tried to elect Mr. Clay President; but, somehow or other, the obstinate People would not unite with Mr. Leigh, Mr. Pleasants of the Whig, and myself. We were beaten; and although beaten, my spirits were revived on the election of Mr. Leigh to the Senate of the U. States. I had always been a Bank man, and I confidently expected that Mr. Leigh would not raise his voice against the Bank, or say one word about the (so called) abuses and corruptions of that famous Institution. My hopes have been fully realized. Mr. Leigh has shown his hostility to the "Despot and Usurper" of the "White-House; and as to the conduct of the Bank, why, he has very properly, said—nothing against it. The Bank understands Mr. Leigh, and has only published fifteen thousand copies of his speeches, to enlighten the people!—Mr. Leigh has gone as far as he could well go, under the existing circumstances. He has told us plainly, that he will vote for a Bank, if instructed so to do. Can we ask—do we want more than this? He has abused the State Banks—denied their competency to furnish a uniform currency—and boldly told the people, that the institution of a National Bank is "the easiest method" of accomplishing that object. Verbum sat! Mem.—In canvassing this Spring, the Whigs are earnestly requested to deny, in the most emphatic manner, that Mr. Leigh is a Bank man, or that he will vote for a Bank, even if instructed—and, if necessary, the Whigs ought to swear that he is not so disposed." If Mr. Leigh is charged with being in favor of a Bank, on the ground of policy, you will, of course, deny it—but, take care and don't say that you can prove it by Mr. Leigh's speeches, for that is impossible.

I beg leave to make a few remarks upon the right of Instruction—The Federalists deny the obligation of instructions, and I rejoice to see, the Whigs practically and substantially acting upon and enforcing our own doctrine. Instruct a representative by signing papers behind "the bushes," and after being "cornered by agitators!!"—The right of instruction is an imposition and an abomination, and I am glad to find, that you have not been "palsied by the will of your constituents." These Republicans are too d—d rigid and strict about this matter Let the members of the Legislature act independently—set them above the will of the ignorant multitude, and "all's well."

The times are critical and eventful. Our success in the approaching elections will depend upon our concert and harmony, our activity and zeal. We must endeavor by all means to divert public attention from the subject of instructions and the conduct of Mr. Leigh. Remember and act upon the Jesuitical argument, that the end sanctifies the means What do we care, if instructions have been disobeyed, and the popular will defied? Not a fig! The truth is, the people are easily deceived; and as the Whigs and Federalists are co-operating together, to prostrate this Administration, (and Mr. Van Buren, too,) and the two parties being thus amalgamated, all of us will run Judge White, for the present, and cry aloud to the people, that the only issue this Spring, is that of "Van Buren or no Van Buren." The people are so attached to Gen. Jackson, that unless we puff Judge White, and profess great regard for him, our cause and our party are gone—yes, gone forever. You know, that after having abused General Jackson's Administration, we cannot, without palpable inconsistency, sustain Judge White, in good earnest.

Our reliance is upon the ignorance of the people, their credulity, and their confidence. We will puff Judge White, till the first day of May next; and in the meantime, abuse Van Buren more vulgarly than William Cobbett could do. Our great hope is, by running White for a short time, to carry the spring elections, after which we will canvass "alternatives." Mem.—In all your speeches you will, I hope, caress the poor ignorant people, and talk loudly about your love of Liberty, &c. &c. Keep up the fire against Gen. Jackson—call him despot, usurper, and tyrant, and tell the people he has all their money in his breeches pocket. Van Buren's private character is unblemished, and his politics decidedly democratic; but he is in our way. Therefore, tell the people that Van Buren wishes to emancipate all their negroes; that he is an aristocrat, and once owned 20,000 worth of sheep. Tell them, that Mr. Van Buren is an intriguer, magician, and just as many more lies as you can invent, and persuade the foolish people to believe. By no means omit telling the people, that Mr. Van Buren is nearly related to the Devil—Forget not, that rebellion against Democracy is obedience to Whiggery.

A FEDERALIST OF '98.