Gazette Of The United States

The Tablet. No. 149.

"Such causes exist in the United States as are favorable to a prosperous and permanent government."

The long contested question, whether men can govern themselves, is now fairly brought to the test of an experiment. From present appearances, there is good reason to expect the point will be so settled, as to establish the affirmative of the question. Are not the people of the United States in the actual enjoyment of a free, and energetic state of government? And may they not, in the most proper sense of expressions, be said to govern themselves? What circumstances can be discerned, that threaten to diminish either the energy or the freedom of our government? Is not the state of society such, as to include the essential materials for forming those civil institutions which will continue long, because there can never exist a reason or a motive for altering them?

It may be well to enquire, what can have induced so many wise legislators to doubt the practicability of a self-governed people.

The two main objections against conceding to the point in question are; firstly, that the general character of human nature does not authorise such a concession; and secondly, that the whole concurrence of historical testimony contradicts the idea, that a people will continue to govern themselves, in a cool, a reasonable, and efficient manner. I will make no particular remarks upon the first of these objections, because the advocates of it collect their general notions of human nature from historical facts, and therefore both objections do, in reality, form but one.

Politicians give an air of certainty to their inferences, when they attempt to prove that men always must be, exactly what they always have been. It will be asked, that as no people ever were found, who, properly speaking, did govern themselves, why may it not be inferred that no such ever will exist: The fallacy of the inference proceeds from its being extended too far. The examples that are adduced in support of the principle should only be applied to the proof of cases similar to themselves. A difference in circumstances may counteract all the force that is intended to be derived from the comparison. For instance, a people who were suddenly delivered from a long established despotism, and totally exonerated from a despot, would nevertheless, by bad management, soon reduce themselves back to despotism. Such an event would authorise an inference, that some other people, exactly so situated, would be in danger of a like disaster. But it furnishes no argument that such a description of men, as inhabit the United States, cannot preserve themselves from despotism. An ignorant, servile people cannot govern themselves, because they have neither knowledge nor spirit adequate to such a purpose. A turbulent warlike people will not govern themselves, because their love of plunder and confusion is superior to their love of order and protection. They can neither feel it to be their interest, nor conceive it to be their duty to encourage mild and equitable institutions. But it is far otherwise with respect to a nation, composed of traders, mechanics, and planters, who have a predilection for their several occupations; whose views and competitions generally relate to private objects of business; and whose personal prosperity is perceived to be essentially blended with that of the government. When a man, by honest industry, has acquired property, he feels a solicitude about the protection of it. Why then should he not be an enemy to faction, and to every other cause that really threatens to dissipate the maxims, and defeat the operations of law and justice? The people of the United States will not easily be beguiled into a bad choice of rulers, because the public opinion is so well informed as to be competent to decide upon the merit of characters; and it will be found, that the great mass of individuals know too well what promotes their own interest and safety, not to reprobate the idea of forming a legislature of weak and wicked men. Since the new government commenced its career, it is obvious to the eye of a most careless observer, that the circumstances as well as the character of our inhabitants have meliorated. The talents discovered in the various executive departments, and the confidence which a judicious administration has inspired in the public mind, are conspicuous proofs that an enlightened people will be best satisfied, when they are best governed. It can never be the interest of one branch of the community, in a free country, to destroy the prosperity of another, nor can the rich derive such durable advantage over the poor, by oppressive laws, as by those that are mild and equitable. When rulers learn that their dignity consists not in being arbitrary and severe, they will have no motive to assume those atrocious qualities. When citizens are habituated to the idea, that their safety is greater in obeying than in opposing the laws, few men will be so foolish or perverse, as to join in pernicious combinations against the government.

(To be continued.)