Green Mountain Freeman

Thirty-First Congress,
First Session.

SENATE.

Wednesday, Dec. 17.

Mr. Mangum of N. C. appeared in his seat.

CASE OF MR. THRASHER

A Message was received from the President in reply to the resolution calling for information relative to the trial and imprisonment of John Thrasher, communicating among other documents the letter of Mr. Webster, in which, stating the circumstances and casting it to be doubtful whether he is an American citizen, he says, "Probably under existing circumstances, the most useful course for the Government of the United States to pursue in his behalf, and in order to obtain his release, is to make the same application for him which has been made in favor of the persons connected with the expedition of Lopez, who have in like manner been sent to Spain."

A message was also received from the President in reply to the resolution of enquiry in relation to the seizure of the Prometheus, and communicating instructions given to Commodore Parker, to proceed to Nicaragua and prevent any such interference in future by the British.

Mr. Brodhead, of Penn., presented a petition numerously signed, praying for the restoration of flogging in the Navy.

Mr. Stockton of N. J., holding up the petition, said he was surprised that so many people could be found in Philadelphia to sign such a petition. New Jersey was one of the first States which recognized the right of petition—if the right to petition the Senate for this purpose existed, the right to discuss it also existed. He did not desire to speak unadvisedly on the subject, and would be glad if it could be laid on the table for the present, say till Tuesday next, when he would be prepared to speak on the subject.

Mr. Seward- What is the prayer of the petitioners?

Mr. Stockton--It is to lick the sailors. [Laughter.]

Motion to lay on the table adopted.

PUBLIC DEPOSITORIES.

Mr. Hunter of Virginia reported a bill giving compensation to those persons who kept public depositories under the Sub-Treasury Act, and who have not received compensation therefor, which was considered and ordered to a third reading.

U. S. INTERVENTION.

Mr. Walker of Wisconsin offered the resolution declaring it to be the duty of the United States to interpose to prevent the violation of the Laws of Nations by the intervention of foreign powers in the domestic affairs of nations.

Whereas, The signs of the times are portentous of an approaching struggle in Europe, between the republican masses for Constitutional Governments on the one side, and the advocates of monarchy for absolute Governments on the other: and whereas it pressingly behooves the representatives of the people of the United Sovereign States of America to seriously consider, and belongs to inquire into the relations of the Government and country to this struggle, and their duty in view of it to themselves, to foreign nations, and the international law—therefore,

be it

Resolved, That the Committee on Foreign Relations be instructed to inquire into, and report upon the expediency of an open declaration by Congress to foreign nations and the world that the United States holds strictly to the policy and principle, that each independent state, nation, or power, possesses for itself the exclusive right and sovereign power to take care and dispose of its own domestic affairs, without and exempt from the interposition and interference of any foreign government, state, confederacy, alliance or power, whatsoever; and that any such intervention or interference by or on the part of any foreign state, government, confederacy, alliance, or power, so constitutes an infraction of the law of nations, authorizing and justifying in the interposition of any or all other governments, confederacies, or powers, at their discretion, to prevent such intervention, and to repair such infraction of law of nations they either further—That the same committee be instructed to inquire also into the expediency of requesting the President of the United States to cause overtures to be made with all other Constitutional Governments with a view and to the end of aiming their co-operation with the United States in the declaration aforesaid, and the policy and principles thereof, and in the observance, defense, and maintenance of the law of nations in this respect.

THE COMPROMISE A FINALITY.

Mr. Foote's resolution declaring the Compromise a final settlement, &c. was then taken up.

Mr. Mason addressed the Senate in explanation of various proceedings in the Senate on the Fugitive Slave Law, at the session of 1850, explaining the causes why that bill was not pressed to action and the causes of its delay.

Mr. Brodhead, in reply to Mr. Rhett, maintained that the Fugitive Law had been, and would be, executed. During the late elections the Democratic party took the execution of that law as an issue, and had triumphed in Pennsylvania.

Mr. Rhett denied that the triumph of the Democratic candidate by 7000 majority in the State where the votes were over 100,000, was any guarantee that the law would be enforced. Those who resisted would never be punished.

Mr. Brodhead said that because the majority was not over 8,000 was not the cause of the issue of the Fugitive Law - there were other issues. He believed that if any prejudice existed in Pennsylvania to prevent the proper administration of justice, it was against the abolitionists and not against the slave holders.

Mr. Hale said that the resolution declared the Compromise measures to be final, and the Senator from Mississippi had already declared his willingness to divide California.

Mr. Foote made several explanations, the purport of which was that in the Compromise debate the admission of California was the point, and it made no difference what her Southern boundary was; her admission as a State was the material point. He did not consider the proposition to change the Southern boundary as disturbing the Compromise.

Mr. Hale still considered the Senator as declaring he would vote for the division of California. In looking over the Acts called the Compromise, he agreed with the Senator that the South gained everything. Some might suppose the share of the North was California; yet we are now advised that the South desires it.- California is to be divided; whoever should hereafter look over the record, would be compelled to say that the South, in this Compromise, gets all and that such has always been the case, and always would be the case. When the historian came to write up this chapter, he must say that if the North spoke the truth, its language would be that of Balaam's ass: "Why hast thou beaten me three times? Hast thou not ridden on my back? Am I not thine ass? And have I not borne thy burdens?" He examined the several Compromise Acts, and came to the conclusion that the South had got all she claimed. He thought the resolution ought to read "that the South will be satisfied with the Compromise till she wants more" he desired to know if the doctrine of constructive treason lately advanced was to be endorsed by this resolution, the very first principles of liberty had been prostrated and prostituted by doctrines of constructive treason, promulgated with respect to this Fugitive Slave Law. The Senator from South Carolina has complained that the majority of the territorial judges were of the opinion that the Mexican laws abolishing Slavery were in force in the territories. He knew not what the facts in this case were, but he did know that the Court which met in the room beneath the Senate Chamber was the very Citadel of American Slavery.

Mr. Dickinson called the Senator to order. The Senator had said to Supreme Court had prostituted itself, and he did not consider such remarks in order.

The Chair decided that the rules only applied to the Chief Justice. The Senator's remarks were not forbidden by the rules.

Mr. Hale said that his remarks of "prostrated and prostituted" were not applied to the Supreme Court, but to another quarter. No case under the Fugitive Law had been brought before that Court. "From the organization of the Court, it was so composed as to be the very citadel of slavery."

Mr. Foote was glad the Northern and Southern extremes agreed in opposing the resolution. He would take occasion to-morrow to reply to them both.

Mr. Butler asked what there was in the organization of the Supreme Court to which the Senator from New Hampshire objected.

Mr. Hale said that the judicial districts of the United States were so arranged as to give a majority of the Court to States where the institution of Slavery existed.

Mr. Butler denied that such fact could ever influence the decision of any honest man. He would as soon submit all questions to northern lawyers, if they were honest men, as he would to any others. He denied that the members of the Supreme Court were ever divided in any opinion by geographical lines.

Mr. Hale said that on the question whether the Mexican laws abolishing slavery prevailed in the territories, the lawyers north and south of a certain line entertained generally a different opinion; and he regarded it as no impeachment on a man's integrity that he should be influenced in his opinions by the institutions which surrounded him. He repeated the declaration, and on it he was willing to stake his reputation, that in the Supreme Court rests the final hope of Slavery.

Mr. Underwood replied, defending the Supreme Court, and then the Senate adjourned.

HOUSE.

Mr. Carter, of Ohio, asked the unanimous consent to introduce a resolution for the appointment of a committee of five to wait on Louis Kossuth, on his arrival at the Capitol, and introduce him to the Members of the House of Representatives.

Objections from several quarters.

Mr. Carter--it is the same resolution that passed the Senate.

The objection still being pressed, the resolution could not be introduced under the rules.

Mr. Hebard, of Vermont, offered a preamble, that

Whereas, Kossuth in his New York speech, is reported to have declared that the resolution of welcome passed by Congress has a political meaning: therefore,

Resolved, That said resolution was not intended to have a political meaning, or to pledge the Government to any course of action, but merely expressed sympathy in the cause in which he is engaged.

A debate arose on the rules, as to whether the resolution -objection being made to it by Mr. Clingman--should lie over, and it was finally so directed.

SENATE

Mr. Foote's resolution on the compromise was still in debate at the last accounts.

Mr. Sumner was expected to make a speech on the subject.