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Seattle, King County, Washington
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Editorial by Mary Jordan critiques Labor Day as a reactionary invention by the American Federation of Labor and capitalists to counter the militant May Day tradition originating from the 1886 eight-hour day strikes, including the Haymarket affair. It condemns AFL leaders and politicians for betraying workers and urges recognition of May Day's revolutionary significance.
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By MARY JORDAN
Labor Day, Monday September 3, is a holiday proclaimed by the American Federation of Labor and endorsed by the Federal Government.
What does Labor Day mean to the workers of Seattle? Will the workers march out boldly from the shops and factories with heads held high, proud to call themselves the producers of the land, confident of their power and destiny?
Will they put forth concrete demands to the bosses?
Does Labor Day have any meaning in the struggle against sinking standards of living and increasing exploitation and fascism? Does it carry the noble traditions born in America on May 1, 1886?
No, it does not. And Labor Day was begun by the reactionary leaders of the American Federation of Labor acting for the capitalists and endorsed by the government to counteract May First, the day that militant workers call their own all over the world.
On Monday Seattle men and women who still have jobs will stay at home or go to picnics and beaches. Or they will go to the joint Seattle-Tacoma American Federation of Labor picnic at Redondo Beach where they will be harangued by capitalist politicians scouting for their votes.
Governor Martin will speak as a "friend" of labor—the governor who ordered the state police to gas workers and loosed a reign of terror at Roslyn. Marion Zioncheck, who voted for the arming of the American Legion, the avowed enemies of workers who demand decent rights; Senator Bone, who voted for the scab dollar a day wages for CCC workers, are scheduled to speak.
The picnic will be harangued by the Dave Levines, the betrayers of labor who preach class collaboration and further the interests of the capitalists within the ranks of labor—who do all in their power to prevent strikes and victories of the working class.
When Labor Day is over, will the workers of Seattle or America have gained anything—will they have demonstrated anything? No! And that is exactly the sort of day the fakers and capitalists meant it to be when they began it as an antidote for May First.
Let us see how May First originated and how it brought about the beginning of Labor Day.
May Day grew directly out of the movement for an eight hour day in America in 1886. Previous to that time in 1884 the struggle had taken on a decidedly revolutionary aspect. Witness the resolution of the National Labor Union of that date:
"The first and great necessity of the present, to free labor of this country from capitalist slavery, is the passing of a law by which eight hours shall be the normal working day in all states in the American union.
We are resolved to put forth all our strength until this glorious result is attained."
Thus 65 years ago the national labor organization of America expressed itself against "capitalist slavery."
In September of the same year the Geneva International Congress of the First International went on record with a similar demand for the eight hour day.
In America eight leagues were formed and the struggle for an eight hour day continued. Then in 1884 at the convention of the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions of the United States and Canada, later known as the American Federation of Labor, the resolution was passed "that eight hours shall constitute a legal day's labor from May First, 1886." From this resolution May Day was set aside as a day upon which the workers of the world were to demonstrate for their demands at the Second International in Paris in 1889.
In 1886 in America strikes doubled over 1885. It was estimated that more than 500,000 workers were involved in strikes for the eight hour day.
The May Day strike of 1886 was most aggressive in Chicago, where it was resisted by the employers and the capitalist state determined to destroy the militant leaders and the labor movement. A demonstration was held on May 4 at Haymarket Square
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to protest against the brutal attacks of the police upon a meeting of strikers on May 3 where six workers were killed and many were wounded.
The peaceful meeting at Haymarket Square was attacked by police and a blood bath followed which resulted in the railroading to the gallows of Parsons, Spies, Fischer and Engel and the imprisonment of other militant leaders. This was the signal for an offensive against labor all over the country.
But the struggle for an eight hour day continued. In 1890 May Day was celebrated by general strikes all over the United States and in many European countries.
Then as now the reactionary labor leaders fought against militant action and tried to destroy the meaning of May Day by fostering the observance of a so-called Labor Day on the first Monday in September. Labor Day was adopted in some localities as early as 1885 and was later granted by state governments as an antidote to May First celebrations.
A further attempt by the American Federation of Labor misleaders and the federal government occurred in 1928 when they tried to emasculate May First still more by setting May 1 as Child Health Day. That this was unmistakably an effort to remove the militancy from May First is shown by the following extract from a resolution submitted to the American Federation of Labor Convention: "At the same time May 1 no longer will be known as either strike day or Communist Labor Day."
But the workers of the world continue to hold May Day as their real Labor Day as evidenced by the demonstrations held all over the world last May 1.
And that none of the real meaning of May Day has been lost is proved by the tremor of the capitalists on that day and their massing of police and armies ready to shoot down the workers.
The fakers and the misleaders of the American Federation of Labor, the agents of the capitalist class and their terror, do not intimidate the proletarian spirit of the working class of the world.
In the Weekly Worker of April 27, 1907, Eugene V. Debs wrote in the May Day edition: "This is the first and only International Labor Day. It belongs to the working class and is dedicated to the Revolution."
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Editorial Details
Primary Topic
Critique Of Labor Day As Counter To May Day And Eight Hour Day Movement
Stance / Tone
Anti Capitalist And Pro Militant Labor
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