Rhode Island Republican

From the National Intelligencer.
The Post-Master-General Defended.
(Concluded.)

THE 6th case to which the public attention has been invited thro' the medium of the newspapers, is that of Mr. Fred. Wolcott of Litchfield, in the State of Connecticut. His friends wrote privately for his appointment; about the 12th of October he was appointed. At the time his appointment was forwarded, Col. Talmage was in office. He was not removed, nor did he resign in sufficient time to enable the late Post-Master-General to fill the Vacancy. For the latter retired from office on the last of Oct. and Col. Talmage's letter of resignation of the 26th of the same month, in which he recommended Mr. Sheldon as his successor, could not, by the course of the mail, reach the General Post Office till the third of November following. Mr. Wolcott's appointment could not therefore be legal. This is not intended as any reflection on the Post-Master-General, who, undoubtedly, expected Mr. Talmage's resignation and did not know that Mr. Wolcott had for years been the calumniator of Mr. Granger. Nor can we believe, that any one would suppose that the latter would hazard his reputation, by leaving an office in the hands of a man, who had, without provocation and without cause, attempted to defame, and to destroy his character.

Do these acts, declare the persecutor and the tyrant? Or do they manifest the constant attention of a vigilant officer, to improve and render more useful the Department entrusted to his charge? If the removal of improper persons, be tyranny, he is a tyrant; if the non-appointment of his personal enemy, be persecution, he is a persecutor. But another attempt has been made to destroy the confidence of the public in the character of the Post-Master-General. This has been done in a manner not susceptible of a precise answer, because there have been no direct charge: But dark insinuations have been published to the world, evidently designed to impress upon the mind a belief, that removals were made with a view to check a free correspondence on the part of the opposition, and to apply an important national establishment to party purposes, and to the corruption of public opinion. Will it be believed that the Post-Master-General, with a little band of forty five officers, twenty eight call of the north river nineteen between that river and the Potomac, and six south of the latter, has undertaken to effect this dreadful purpose, and has fondly hoped to escape the vigilance of nine hundred officers, of whom the former administration approved, and many of whom are their friends, and yet devoted to their policy? To suppose it possible, betrays such ignorance of the system as would induce any person, who possessed a decent regard for his own reputation, to seal his lips in silence.

But gentlemen have not been left in the quiet enjoyment of this base method of injuring the fame of a citizen. In every instance, they have been solicited to communicate freely any knowledge they possessed respecting abuses. In every instance they have been assured, that the evils when pointed out, should be corrected; and the offender subjected to condign punishment. But they have remained silent.---In the management of such a department, errors will be committed; a letter will be occasionally mislaid and lost. Newspapers must unavoidably meet with more accidents; for, notwithstanding the law they are packed up wet and with carelessness, and will in consequence be frequently worn to pieces in the bag. But no man will presume to say, that intelligence is not conveyed with as much regularity and safety, as at any other period since the existence of the government. It is certainly conveyed with more frequency and with vastly greater dispatch.

This department of government has been repeatedly charged with a wanton abuse of its power, and an unrelenting persecution of the opponents of administration. Will the facts stated justify the imputation? Will the removal of sixteen post-masters out of one thousand and ninety-five, give a colouring to the calumny? Will those who oppugn the measures of the present government, be willing to have the conduct of the preceding administration, tested by the same principle? They may, because there was no necessity of ejecting from office the opposers of their measures. For by the natural operation of the government from its commencement, and by careful election of friends to fill the offices which were created during its progress, this society could not exist. During the existence of their power, they openly and publicly avowed that no man ought to be in an official station, whose political Sentiments were opposed to the opinions of their party. And will it be thought that persons, who advocated such principles, would relinquish them, and retain in office their enemies, had they come into power under the same circumstances as the present administration? So perfectly persuaded were they of the truth of this doctrine, that un
Under its impression they loudly proclaimed, that the present government would pursue their own vile, and sacrifice on the altar of their own principles, every man who was devoted to their party. But they have been disappointed. And is it because they have been disappointed, because they have not been immolated to prove their own predeliction, that they are now determined to clamor against the proceedings of government, till it be driven to its accomplishment?

They complain that their correspondence is interrupted, that their newspapers are destroyed or suppressed by irregular management in the post-office; they complain also that the postmasters are dismissed. The former shows incontestably that the work of reformation ought not yet to be arrested; and the latter the perfect inconsistency of their conduct.

They, possessing the power from the beginning, created in their officers by the influence of interest and of patronage, opinions congenial with their own. They, where an opportunity offered to appoint to office, sedulously chose their trade, by this means excluding from any share in the honors or emoluments of government, those, who on principle were opposed to the mode of its administration. They, when their friends filled more than nineteen twentieths of the offices in the union, expelled from official situations, many, who dared, though with honor and with decency, to maintain private opinions contrary to the measures of the administration. The changes which have taken place since the 4th of March 1801, the removal of sixteen post masters, or of forty five, for the same number of the friends of the administration, can surely be no counterbalance to that systematic exclusion, of one half of the community from the enjoyment of office, which has characterised the former measures of our government. A decent maintenance of opinions, if they accord with the genius of a republican government, and the exercise of the right of suffrage, though opposed to the proceedings of the administration, ought not of itself on general principles, to be a ground of ejection from office. But when a party has unjustly enjoyed the official favors of government, it cannot be unjust to take from them a part, to bestow it on those, who are equally entitled. When the influence of an official situation is exerted in hostility to the administration, and the officer is clamorous against its measures, it is proper that he should not longer hold the office, and that he should not longer receive his bread from a hand which he despises and would destroy.

If any persons have a right to complain, it must certainly be the friends of the administration. They have a right to expect that proportion of governmental favors, which justice demands, and which is measured by the ratio of numbers. That they have not yet obtained it, we are willing to ascribe to that pacific spirit which would rather it should be the offspring of time, than the effect of an exertion of power; to that principle, which would "restore to social intercourse that harmony which it had lost:" and to a desire to convince the enemies of government, that justice and moderation, instead of their example, would be the rule of its conduct.

A FRIEND TO TRUTH.