The Daily Union

From the London Morning Advertiser, April 20.

THE WAR IN THE EAST.—AMERICA.

The Lord Mayor having proposed "The health of the American minister at London," expressed his regret that his excellency Mr. Buchanan, who had at first intimated his intention to be present, was prevented from doing so, owing to a temporary absence from town. Both countries had reason to congratulate each other that the representative of the United States was a gentleman in whose exalted character and just sentiments were to be found new assurances of the good understanding which existed, and he hoped would always be maintained, between this country and the great republic. Certain it was, when we considered that so large a portion of its population were our kinsmen, and that no nation had ever equalled the progress of the United States in all the elements constituting a great State, we found abundant reasons for cultivating the most cordial and friendly relations with our transatlantic brethren. In proposing the health of the minister, he begged leave to couple with it the name of Mr. Sickles, the secretary of the American legation, a gentleman in whom he was sure Mr. Buchanan found an able coadjutor, and whom the company would have great pleasure in listening to on this occasion.

The health of the American minister having been drunk amidst great applause,

"Mr. Sickles (secretary to the American legation) returned thanks for the courteous and complimentary terms in which the sentiments proposed by his Lordship had been introduced. If anything could increase the regret which Mr. Buchanan felt at his unavoidable absence that evening, it would be the fact that he was deprived of the pleasure of witnessing the hearty manner in which that distinguished company had received and responded to the friendly sentiments expressed by the Lord Mayor, not only towards the government and people of America, but also their representative at this Court. It was always a source of gratification in the United States to observe that, upon these festive occasions in this country, the rising greatness and successive development of the free institutions of America were alluded to in the language of friendly regard. Indeed, it must be deemed a most fortunate circumstance, in view of the embarrassing questions almost always pending between the United States and Great Britain, that the people of both countries preserved and cultivated kind feelings towards each other—thus contributing a most salutary influence on their governments, and aiding the removal of those causes of misunderstanding which, if uncontrolled by public opinion, might often endanger the amity which the great mass of the people of the two countries were anxious should be perpetual between them. [Cheers.] The government of the United States has discovered no reason calling for any participation, on its part, in the momentous events now taking place in the East. But the American people were not indifferent observers of a contest in which Great Britain bore so conspicuous a part—a contest that was calculated to affect materially not only her destiny, in which we always felt a profound solicitude, but that could not fail to leave its impress, for good or for evil, upon the whole of Europe. [Hear, hear.] Upon these topics, the all-engrossing questions of the day, he (Mr. Sickles) spoke, of course, quite free from official reserve, as his position did not enable him to be the organ of his government. Although American diplomacy avoids concealment, and secrecy, and indirection, the United States were so entirely aloof, politically and geographically, from the causes and the scenes of the present war, that in what he (Mr. Sickles) had to say upon the subject he should only attempt to convey what he believed to be the opinions of most of his countrymen; and it was very certain they had their own views of the matter, since every American considers it not only his right, but his duty to have an opinion upon whatever transaction of public interest is going on in the world. [Laughter and cheers.] While the objects of the existing alliance, limited as it is to the governments of Great Britain and France, tend to a legitimate end, the people of the United States could not withhold their felicitations upon such an eventful union between two great rival empires—empires in which, if the axiom of the sovereignty of the people be not theoretically acknowledged, their government at all events reposes in a large measure upon the popular will. [Cheers.] If, however, unfortunately, not content with the ample scope and sphere of its European functions, this alliance—peradventure reinforced by the accession of other powers less tolerant of free institutions, and flattered by its success in the present complication—should undertake to extend the boundaries of its jurisdiction so as to interfere in American affairs on the other side of the ocean, he (Mr. Sickles) need hardly say, in that event, that the alliance, be it what it might, would encounter a stern and unanimous opposition. [Hear, hear, and cheers.] There could be no doubt that in this Oriental question was involved, to some extent, the progress of liberal principles in Europe—the right of nations to regulate their own internal affairs—and the maintenance, by those governments which consult more or less the will of the governed, of their influence and ascendency in the councils of Europe. Every American perceives this, and when he remembers that the alliance between Great Britain and France is formed for the avowed purpose of protecting Turkey—a nation which, in 1849, extended its chivalrous protection over those friendless exiles who, failing in a glorious struggle for liberty, sought the hospitality of the Turkish soil—it will not occasion surprise anywhere when I say that the Sultan, in defending his territories from aggression, finds nowhere more ardent and sincere well-wishers than among the people of the United States. [Cheers.] The noble stand maintained by that high personage, when, disregarding the menaces of superior power, and unaided by the support of any Christian nation, he declared that he would rather lose his empire than violate the sacred obligations which humanity imposed upon him to defend those unfortunate strangers who enjoyed the shelter of his flag—this, indeed, had commended itself to every American as one of those signal instances of courage and generosity which entitled him who achieved it to the lasting gratitude and respect of mankind. [Cheers.] My lord, it was a thing done under the Crescent which might always be emulated with honor under the cross. [Great cheering.]"

This emphatic and pointed speech of the able secretary of the American minister at London is in keeping with the frank and dignified eloquence which characterized the recent address of Mr. Buchanan, and it will be read with pleasure by our countrymen of all parties.