The Daily Phoenix

The Threat of the Italian King.

The parting speech of the King of Italy to the French Ambassador at Rome is the political sensation of Europe. It contains an advice and a threat, addressed to the representative of what was until recently the leading power of the continent—the advice being to cease the cry of "Love Rome and France," for it was war "against Italian unity," and the threat, that if war did ensue, then with the help of Germany another invasion and another indemnity would follow.

It is not often in European politics that such frank avowal is made of intentions and warning of results given, for the reader will perceive there is no doubt expressed of the consequences that will follow if MacMahon neglects the suggestions made, or of the certainty of a coalition of Italy and Germany, if need requires. Considered in this aspect, we find that Europe is once more threatened with a war of opinions, and to a great extent a religious war; since without the aid of Protestant Germany, Italy cannot sustain its freedom of political action, and therefore the pungency of the expression, "clerical Europe."

"Wars of ideas" are those that last longer and cut deeper into national life than any others. We see clearly that the coming strife is not only likely to be one of ideas, but of religion, and virtually a contest for supremacy in Europe between Catholicism and Protestantism. That MacMahon can stop it, we do not believe. He is not the expression of the will of the French people, but of the will of the National Assembly, who, themselves, cannot fairly be regarded as the free choice of electoral France.

His tenure of power lies in the army, and his duty he himself declared to the Assembly that elected him, is that of a "sentinel" who has to watch over the "integrity of your sovereign power." Divided as that Assembly is, into factions of Monarchists and Republicans, no unity of repressive action of "clerical agitation," either in France or abroad, can reasonably be expected; and we think that agitation will continue to exert itself as a conscientious duty, regardless of consequences.

It is obvious that the action of Bismarck, in Prussia, and his refusal to recognize Papal authority, except as a subsidiary to the royal will, has, added to the steady progress of modern Italy to freedom of conscience, caused the "agitation" complained of. The immense moral power of the Roman Church, with its innumerable modes of action, is about to take up arms against what it regards the oppression of its chosen Head, the Pope, and the destruction of its time-honored principles and privileges; while against it arises the free inquiry of the age, and the protest of statesmen, that the day has come for "rendering to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to God the things that are God's."

To us on this side of the Atlantic, who enjoy liberty of conscience and envy no man his creed, this European complication must be viewed with regret. It may benefit our trade, increase our prosperity, and probably add to our corruption, but to the world at large it will only cause sorrow and loss. When whole nations rush to arms to fight, not only for their welfare here, but as they believe for their salvation hereafter, the combat ends only with mutual exhaustion, or the weaker being stamped out by persecution; and that in this age and period such things can be, is a reproach to our boasted civilization.