Constitutional Whig

FRIDAY MORNING, MAY 22, 1829.

To the Non-Freeholders of Richmond.

This is the day for the Convention Election. A large number of our body, at a meeting in the Capitol, expressed their determination to vote for members of Convention. There are very few persons of intelligence remaining in the commonwealth, who do not acknowledge our constitutional and inherent right to vote, or who do not admit that the law restricting suffrage to the freeholders, was so far, in the teeth of the Bill of Rights, which in so many words, lays down the fundamental maxim, that a majority of the community possesses the inherent, inalienable, and indefeasible right, to alter or abolish the form of Government, subsisting for the time being. To our knowledge, many of the most enlightened antagonists of the Convention give up the question, and concede the construction which we give to the Bill of Rights, to be the right and true construction.

But let us suppose our right to be doubtful. Let us grant for argument sake, that the construction which we put upon the Bill of Rights, is an erroneous construction; or that an ordinary Legislature as some contend, can repeal the whole or any part of the Bill of Rights? Let us suppose any or all of these positions to be true, and still we ought not to omit giving our votes. We are content to refer the decision of the question of right to the Convention. Our poll will go before that wise and supreme body. If they say that we had no right to vote—that the law denying us the privilege was a valid and constitutional law, then we will acquiesce not less from our respect for the judgment of the Convention, than from necessity. But if this should be the result, and the Convention ultimately decide to reject our votes, still we lose nothing by voting, and inflict injustice upon no living thing. If they decide that we had the right, and that our votes are as good as the votes of freeholders, we shall have the satisfaction of having overthrown an arbitrary, unjust and tyrannical law, and of having successfully vindicated our rights and privileges against those who wished to despoil us of our birthright.—

So that, friends and brethren, we can lose nothing by voting. We hurt no man by it. There is an appellate tribunal to review our conduct; a tribunal in whose justice, wisdom, impartiality and republicanism, we have unbounded confidence. If we shall be mistaken in our construction of the law and the constitution; if we vote having no lawful right to vote, the Convention will reject our suffrages, and adjudge the election precisely as if we had never voted.

How important this privilege is, is manifest from the fact, that we, the non-freeholders of Richmond, hold the balance, and can incline the result as we please. Our numbers are hardly less, and probably more than 400—concurring as we generally do we believe, as far as opinion has been developed, in sentiment, we can select what four of the candidates now before the district, we please—for our views are also the views of a powerful division of the Richmond freeholders. Let us then, exercise our rights on this most interesting crisis which can possibly occur in a Republican Community. If it be not our right, still let us exercise it, and test the question before the convention, since by so doing, we offend against no law which we believe ourselves bound to respect, and since we injure no man by it. We have every inducement to vote—the belief that we have been wrongfully bereft of our rights by the Legislature—the wish dear to every free man, to enjoy the inestimable privilege of suffrage—the firm conviction that we are sustained in the course by the Bill of Rights—the certainty that if we vote and act together, we can select men who will represent our feelings and opinions—and the undeniable fact, that we may do good to ourselves and others by voting, and can do injury by it, to none.

We will notice one or two suggestions that we have casually heard. One is that as the non-freeholders in other parts of the district have not voted, neither ought we in Richmond. Indeed! a new idea truly, that because others, either through ignorance, or fear or indifference, yield their rights, that we, who are neither ignorant, nor afraid, nor indifferent, must do so too! It surely was not the fault of the non-freeholders of Richmond, that their brethren in other parts of the District did not vote. So far from it, the non-freeholders of Richmond, were the first in the State, to denounce the convention law, to assert their right to vote, and to make known their purpose of exercising it. They did what they could, to rouse and stimulate the whole body of non-freeholders, to a just sense of the importance and necessity of voting for members of convention. And because our brethren below, were too sluggish and timid to claim what the constitution gives them, is it reasonable that their sluggishness and timidity should affect us, and incur a forfeiture of our rights and privileges! We think the force of the argument lies the other way, and that the luke-warmness of others, ought to act as a stimulus upon us, to urge us to give proof to the world, that we both know our rights, and dare maintain them.

It is said by some, but whether in earnest or in derision we know not, but we imagine the latter—that many non-freeholders will be ashamed to vote with us, and thus to let it be known, that they are not freeholders—that they have neither a quarter acre lot with a frame stable on it in town, or twenty five acres in the country! We should be sorry to think that there was one man in America, influenced by so mean and contemptible a pride as this—that would be ashamed to vote, lest he thereby made it known that he was poor. Aristocracy must have gone deep into the bowels of the land, and contaminated the very fountains of society, if such a feeling can exist.
Puke air of old Virginia, if it be true that such a feeling as this influences the conduct of any of her citizens. It is not less false in principle, than contemptible and ridiculous in exhibition. If there be such let them stifle so paltry a pride, and learn that Cincinnatus gloried in the poverty of which they are ashamed. Believing it therefore to be our right--knowing that if it is not our right (we wish particularly to enforce this idea,) we yet injure nobody by it--let us meet in a body this morning at 9 o'clock at the City Court-house, and take such steps as may be expedient. If the Sergeant of the City refuse to put our votes on the back of the polls, let us in that case, appoint two or more citizens to open separate polls; and above all, let us conduct ourselves with so much moderation and good order, as to show the world that we deserve to have the privilege of suffrage, whether we possess it in this case or not--and remove the apprehensions of those worthy souls, who seem to think that nothing short of murder, robbery and arson was to attend non-freeholders' voting. Let us show these little lordlings that we are Virginians, having as much respect for the laws, and as much deference for the order, quiet and decency of society, as themselves.

Nine o'clock in the morning, at the City Court House!