Fowle's New Hampshire Gazette And General Advertiser

Conclusion of M. TURGOT's letter, continued from our last.

EACH of these prejudices is cherished in Europe, because the ancient rivalry of nations and the ambitions of princes obliges all States to be in arms for defence against their armed neighbours. and to regard a military force as the principle object of government. Such is the good fortune of America that she cannot have for a long time an external enemy to fear, if she does not become self-divided ; therefore she may and ought to estimate, at their true value, those pretended interests, those grounds of discord which are all that can endanger her liberty. The sacred principle of freedom of commerce being considered as the necessary consequence of the right of property, all the pretended interests of trade vanish before it. The pretended interest of possessing more or less territory vanishes also when the territory is justly considered as not belonging to nations but to the individual proprietors of the soil ; and when the question whether such a canton or such a village ought to belong to such a province or such a state, is not decided by the pretended interest of that province or that state. but by the interest which the inhabitants of the canton or village have in assembling themselves to transact their affairs in places the most convenient of access ; when that interest, being measured by the length or shortness of the way which a man can go to manage his most important without too much injury to his common concerns, becomes the natural and physical measure of the extent of the jurisdiction of States, and establishes, throughout, an equilibrium* of extent and power which annihilates all the danger of inequality and all pretentions of superiority.

The interest of being dreaded becomes null when we make no demands, and when we are in a situation not to be attacked even by a considerable force with any hope of success.

The glory of arms cannot compare with the felicity of living in peace. The glory of arts and science belongs to every one who has spirit to acquire it. There is an harvest of this kind abundantly sufficient for every body ; the field of discoveries cannot be overtilled, and ALL profit by the discoveries of ALL.

I imagine that the Americans have not felt these truths so strongly as they ought to be felt by them for the security of the happiness of their posterity. I blame not their leaders. There was a necessity of providing against the exigencies of the moment by some sort of union, against an enemy actually present and formidable : there was not time to correct the defects in constitutions or in the models of the different States. -But there should be a dread of perpetuating them, and an application to the means of uniting opinions and interests,and of reducing them to uniform principles throughout all the States.

In this pursuit there are great obstacles to be overcome.

In Canada--the constitution of the Romish clergy and the existence of a body of noblesse.

In New-England--a spirit of rigid puritanism still subsisting, and always, as is said, in some degree intolerant.*

In Pennsylvania---a great number of citizens who supporting a religious principle that the profession of arms is illicit,of course revolt from such arrangements as are necessary to lay the foundation of a military strength for the State, in an union of the quality of citizen with that of soldier and militia-man : which brings on a necessity of making the business of war a business for mercenaries.

In the middle States--a too great inequality of fortunes and more especially the great number of black slaves whose slavery is incompatible with a good political constitution. and who, even if set at liberty, would still give embarrassment by forming two people in one State.

Throughout---prejudices, an attachment to established forms, an habitude of certain taxes, a dread of such as should be substituted in their place, the vanity of those States who have thought themselves the most powerful, and an unhappy beginning of national pride.

* This seems to be a particular of much consequence. The great inequality now existing, and which is likely to increase, between the different States, is a very unfavourable circumstance ; and the embarrassment and danger to which it exposes the union ought to be guarded against as far as possible in laying out future States.

* This has been once true of the inhabitants of New-England, but it is not so now.

I think the Americans are bound to aggrandize themselves not by war but by cultivation. If they leave at their backs those immense deserts which extend even to the western ocean, a mixture of the banished and other vile subjects escaped from the correction of laws may there settle with Savages, and compose swarms of robbers who would ravage America as the Barbarians of the North have ravaged the Roman empire; hence--another danger,--the necessity of being in arms on the frontiers and living in a continual state of war. The settlements near to these would consequently be more warlike than the rest : and that inequality of military force would be a terrible spur to ambition. The remedy for this inequality would be to maintain a standing force to which all the States should contribute according to their population ; but, the Americans who have still all the fears which the English ought to have, dread nothing more than a permanent army. They are in the wrong. Nothing is easier than to connect the constitution of a permanent army with the militia, so that the militia may thence become better, and liberty thus be rendered more secure. But it is far from easy to calm their fears on this head.

Here you see are many difficulties; and perhaps, the secret interests of powerful individuals will unite with the prejudices of the vulgar to resist the efforts of true sages and true citizens.

It is impossible to refrain from fervent wishes that this people may arrive at all the prosperity of which it is susceptible. It is the hope of the human race. It may become their model. It should prove to the world in fact that men may be free and tranquil, and may rid themselves from the many shackles which tyrants and impostures of every garb have endeavoured to impose on them,under a pretext of the public good. It should give an example of political freedom, of religious freedom, of the freedom of commerce and of industry. The asylum which it opens to the oppressed of all nations, ought to console the whole earth. The facility of taking advantage of this to get free from the effects of bad governments will oblige such governments to grow just and enlightened ; and the rest of the world will by degrees open their eyes upon that bubble of illusions wherein politicians have lulled themselves. But, for this America ought to become guarantee, and that she will never come to be what your ministerial writers have so often repeated, an image of our Europe, an assemblage of divided powers, quarrelling about territories or the profits of commerce, and continually cementing the slavery of the people with their own blood.

All men of understanding,all the friends of humanity should at this time unite their knowledge and join their reflections to those of the sage Americans to contribute to the great work of their legislation. This, Sir, would be worthy of you. I wish I may kindle up your zeal: And, if in this letter I have allowed myself to be hurried on by my own ideas further than was proper, that wish hath been my only motive, and will, as I hope, excuse me where I may have been tedious to you. I am desirous that the blood which hath flowed, or which may still flow in this quarrel should not be useless towards the happiness of mankind.

Our two nations are about to do each other much injury, though neither of them will from thence reap any real profit. The increase of debts and expenses ************, and the ruin of a great number of citizens will perhaps be the only result. England appears to me to be nearer to it than France. If, instead of this war, you had been able to behave with a good grace from the very beginning : if policy had been allowed to do before hand what she will infallibly be forced to do in the end ; if the national opinion could have been brought to allow your government to prevent what has happened, supposing it to have been foreseen : if it could have consented outright to the independence of America, without making war upon any one, I firmly believe that Britain would have lost nothing by the change. Now she will lose whatever she has expended or shall yet expend : She will experience a great diminution for some time in her commerce, and great internal confusion, if she is forced into a bankruptcy ; and, be that as it may, a great loss of political influence abroad.

But this last article is of very small import to the real happiness of a people ; and I am not at all of Abbe Raynal's opinion in your motto. I do not think that this will bring you to be a contemptible people and throw you into bondage.

Your misfortunes will perhaps on the contrary, produce the effect of a necessary amputation. They may be the only means of saving you from the gangrene of luxury and corruption. If in your agitations you could correct your constitution by making elections annual, by distributing the right of representations more equally and in better proportion to the interest of those represented, you would gain perhaps as much as America by this revolution : because your liberty would be returned to you, and your other losses could soon be repaired by that, and by that.

You should judge, Sir, from the frankness with which I open myself to you upon these delicate points, of the esteem with which you have inspired me, and of the satisfaction which I feel upon observing that there is some resemblance in our modes of thinking. I promise myself that this confidence will rest with you only. I even beg you not to answer me at large on this point, because your letter would be infallibly opened in our offices : and they would discover me to be, for a minister, even for a minister in disgrace, much a friend to liberty.

I have the honour to be, With the utmost regard, Sir, Your most humble And most obedient servant, TURGOT.