The Patowmac Guardian, And Berkeley Advertiser

To the Citizens of Frederick and Berkeley Counties.

FOR THE POTOWMAC GUARDIAN.

Freedom of thought, freedom of the press, and the freedom of speaking our sentiments, are among the greatest privileges any land of liberty can boast. Ought ever to be held sacred, and guarded against any attempt to violate them. The latter, upon these, is rated [highly?] by many and on press [freedom?]. [Garbled: lt there bui be el sred. aod ino,ance and naver, vamit aws.] This privilege I claim--it is the [right?] of [every?] man [who?] has been [much?] convinced [about?] [it by?] theorists of the [day?]. I shall beg leave to offer my sentiments [on?] our present [government?]. [We?] have cried out against [many bad deeds and oppressive principles], and most heartily wish [a] convention called to form a new [constitution], while others think that [the] old constitution cannot be so [unjust?] and corrupt, under which [we enjoy?] so much liberty and happiness! [I propose to] examine it [thoroughly], and open our eyes to see its beauties or deformities.

But before I proceed further, it may be necessary to premise that if I should in the course of my remarks, be led to disapprove, and expose any part of our present government, I would by no means have you to suppose that I wish on principles to [throw?] my countrymen into an insurrectionary manner against government, or violently to oppose the operation of any of its existing laws. This remedy would be worse than the disease; but my design is to contribute my little part, to convince my fellow citizens, that, as a peaceable and free people ought to do, they may pursue legal and constitutional measures to obtain a redress of their grievances.

Before I begin my remarks, it may be necessary to enquire whether we have a constitution at all, and how we came by that constitution. Were I to attempt a definition of the word constitution, I should, according to the ideas I have of things, say, "It is a certain mode or form of government, established by any nation or independent body of men, by which they choose to have their lives, liberty, and property to be regulated," and must always, immediately result from the people. Government is the operation of a constitution--or its going into effect--or government may be imposed arbitrarily, without the consent of the governed, which is tyranny, so that there may be a government, where there is no constitution. Perhaps it might surprise my readers if I should tell them, that this is precisely the case with Virginia at present. She has a government, but no constitution: for there never was a regular constitution adopted by the freemen of this state.

The instrument commonly called the Constitution of Virginia, is nothing else than that form of government that was imposed upon us by the crown of Britain, when Virginia first became a Colony, a little modified by our succeeding governors under the Commonwealth. What! may it be asked, was there not a convention called in Virginia, as well as in the rest of the States, since the declaration of independence, to form a constitution? I answer, No. For those persons who assumed to be in the name of a convention, and attempted to form a constitution for us, were no more authorized for such a purpose, than we are to [form] one for the Cherokee nation. They were men all elected agreeably to the British system, and sent to Williamsburg to legislate for us; but having thrown off the British yoke, they undertook of themselves to [draw one up] for us, which we have been struggling under ever since. It never once entered the minds of the people of this State, when they chose them as their representatives to the General Assembly of Virginia, that they were choosing persons to frame a new constitution for them; but about the time of convening, there came out a recommendation from the Continental Congress to the [several] states to form constitutions; and these gentlemen, thinking themselves competent, proceeded accordingly, without any call from their constituents.

It is time to awaken and see the sad condition in which we are placed by the assumed power of those who have taken upon themselves to [make?] for us [what is?] at [best?] a [so-called?] constitution, which [is] [nothing but?] a [mingled mass of contradictions, nonsense and improprieties]. [They?] [beg?] to [have us] examine what I commonly call our constitution, but what I should call our government. To these men I think it might be evident to every judicious mind, that there is at present no [such thing as a] constitution existing [in Virginia;] it is a principle established by [the one?] confined to republicans that sovereignty [resides in the people; once we] necessity that we have it well decided what [power?] we are [under?], or what we [ever?] find [we] have [; our government?] sent is lies at the very net of all government. To hear what [the?] in [our?] Virginia say upon this subject, for the pretended constitution lays not a word upon it in her [preamble?]. Indeed no [freeholder?] shall have a right of free election of members for the general assembly [; the mode is by acres of unimproved land or by what in town lots of a certain description or a lot or part of a lot in [some?] corporation towns and certain improvements or a lease of so many improved or unimproved acres for a life or lives]. [By?] this sweeping clause about one half of the citizens of this state are made slaves for there are not much more than one half [of the people who own?] real [property?]. [A poor man who owns a small plot may be worth? he has to go he a [?]] [Garbled continuation on land ownership, debt, representation inequalities, comparisons to Britain and Scotland, critiques of judiciary, executive, military, ending with call for convention.]

A FARMER.