Phenix Gazette

AN ADDRESS
TO THE FREEMEN OF MARYLAND,
From a Convention of Delegates appointed by
the People of the State, friendly to the re-election
of JOHN QUINCY ADAMS as President
of the United States, and held in the city of Baltimore on the 23d day of July 1827.

An appeal to the people upon matters of
great National concern, is a proceeding that
accords with the highest sense of respect for
public sentiment, and is in entire consonance
with the principles of Representative Government. Happily living under a government of
opinion, we must always expect that contests
of opinion will arise, and it becomes us to enter
into such conflicts with the fearlessness that
marks freemen--with the just deference for the
opinion of others that distinguishes those who
are in quest of truth and with a decorum that
belongs to the character of our country.

A meeting of our fellow citizens opposed to
the existing Administration of the Federal
Government, having been recently held in this
city, for the purpose of diffusing among the
people of the State, that spirit of discontent,
which marks the manifesto they have issued.
and of arousing them to eject the present Pre-
sident of the United States from office and to
substitute General Andrew Jackson in his place.
It is from this decision, and from the opinions
and motives which sustain it, that we now ap-
peal; and we desire to lay before the dispassion-
ate good sense of the freemen of Maryland, the
reasons of our dissent.

Implicit obedience and non-resistance to a
ruling power is no part of our political creed-
We neither inherited such principles from our
ancestors, nor imbibed them in any of our
schools. The freedom of opinion and of action,
is with us a cardinal maxim, that we are zeal-
ous to maintain in its amplest vigor--yet we
think it wise to repress unnecessary contests
in our country, that can lead to no public good,
and particularly such as are calculated to pro-
duce the greatest excitement throughout the
Republic. If we could always be sure that
these contests originated purely and exclusively
from public views, and found no sustenance in
personal prejudices, private feelings, or in the
hope of individual aggrandizement, there would
be less danger--for the sense of public duty a-
lone will seldom carry men beyond correct
boundaries, unless coupled with an inflammatory
fanaticism that defies restraint.

In the examination of the subject before us,
we must be calm and sincere. The question is
of too serious importance to permit our prede-
lections and prejudices to be enlisted in its ser-
vice, the passions are not agents to be trusted
in so grave a matter. Neither the dazzling pow-
er of military exploit, nor the rich stores of in-
tellectual learning, must be permitted to beguile
us on this occasion. The welfare of the Re-
public is at stake, and if we undertake to act in
that behalf, let us divest ourselves as far as
possible, of all that may lead to error; and
regardless of men, devote ourselves to the cause
of the country with the strictest fidelity.

Necessarily led to take some view of the present Chief Magistrate of the country and of his
measures, as also of the distinguished Soldier
who is brought in opposition, and of his char-
acter, we are not disposed to indulge in ful-
some eulogy or unmerited reproach. Called
to lay our views of a great National question
before the people, we shall treat these distinguished citizens with becoming respect, and dis-
charge the duty confided to us with integrity
and firmness.

In resisting the pretensions set up by the ad-
vocates of General Jackson to enable him to
supplant the present Chief Magistrate, it
would be the severest injustice to consider us
wanting, either in respect for the services, or in
admiration for the success of that celebrated
Military Chieftain. In these points we are not
less sensitive than his warmest supporters; and
we are again ready, as we have always been, to
celebrate the victory at New Orleans, and to
do honor to the intrepid hero who directed it;
and should our country unfortunately be placed
in a state of war before his manly vigor and mil-
itarv taste shall decline, such is our confidence
in his patriotism, that we should be happy to
see him associated with the gallant defenders
of our country, under the direction of an able
and firm administration.

In scrutinizing the life of General Jackson
we see nothing that would justify us in consid-
ering him qualified for the Chief Magistracy
of this country; and we mean not to sully, or
to withhold any just tribute to his merit by the
declaration, that, but for the happy victory at
N. Orleans, he never would have been thought
of as one of those from whom a selection is to
be made to fill the presidential chair. If a sin-
gle brilliant victory is a sufficient claim upon
us to elevate a mere military man to the high-
est civil office, over the heads of all others, be
their qualifications what they may, then indeed
the pretensions of the General are strong--but
if, as we confidently believe, the sound, discrim-
inating good sense of the American people
will consider many other very important qual-
ifications as essential to fit a man for the Chief
magistracy of this nation; we have yet to learn
that the General possesses them. As a mem-
ber of the Bar, of the Bench, of the State Con-
vention, of the Congress, he has never exhibited
himself above the level of ordinary men; and if
in the civil, stations to which he has been
called, he has been in no manner distin-
guished by the plaudits of his country, it was
because his country was unacquainted with any
peculiar merit that he had displayed. His only
talent lies in military life, and there he appears
capable of rendering good services to the Re-
public, and of gathering fame for himself.

But even in military life he has committed er-
rrors that should warn us against considering
him best qualified for the highest civil station
in the Government--errors at several times,
emanating, no doubt, from constitutional hardi-
hood, and an ardent zeal in his country's ser-
vice, but which were all calculated to diminish
the sanctity of the civil authority.

The adherents of the General, in their zeal
to support him, have adventurously attempted to
to draw a parallel between him and the illustri-
ous Founder of this Republic--stating, that if
Gen. Jackson's exhibition of greatness have
hitherto been only military; those of Washing-
ton, before he was called to the presidential
chair, were no more--and that as the belief of
Washington's competency to govern as Chief
Magistrate, was founded upon his Military con-
duct, that of General Jackson rests upon simi-
lar grounds. Let us not yield to the feelings
that this parallel is calculated to excite; we will
treat it more gravely and reason on it, and ex-
pose its fallacy.

General Jackson's renown is exclusively de-
rived from the victory at New Orleans, and his
rash energies in the wars with the Indians--his
correspondence relates entirely to the limited
duties of the Military service he was then enga-
ged in, and is marked by no deficiency of talents
--further than this, we know of no other pre-
tentions of the General to extraordinary dis-
tinction. To compare this miniature, present-
ed by his friends, with the grand historical
painting of Washington's life before his call to
the Chief Magistracy, that covers the walls of
all Christendom, is doing injustice to General
Jackson by an extravagant attempt. Not stop-
ping to compare one lucky victory that rescued
a city, with a brilliant seven years' warfare,
that redeemed a People, and gave birth to an
Empire, through every day and every event of
which, the most dispiriting privations, the
most hazardous conflicts, the most appalling
dangers and trying difficulties were encountered
and surmounted by a perseverance as temper-
ate as it was brave, and by a skill as well direc-
ted as it was masterly.--Washington's Military
campaigns are, from first to last continually
interspersed with the strongest evidences of his
profound and statesmanlike mind, which now
constitute some of the richest treasures in the
American Archives.

It was not his successes at Trenton, at Prince-
ton, at Monmouth, at Yorktown, or at any of
of his well fought fields, that called him to the
Chief Magistracy--It was his long and ardu-
ously tried fidelity, his uniform temperance un-
der trials, his "invariable regard to the rights of
the civil power, through all disasters and chang-
es," when he held supreme military command--
It was the direction he constantly gave to the
political councils of the country, by his wise
and patriotic advice when he was guiding the
armies--It was those master pieces of political
wisdom, his addresses to the Governors of the
several States, that are now read almost with
the admiration of inspired writings, that fixed
every eye and every heart upon Washington, as
Chief Magistrate of the United States. And
in looking back upon his life, anterior to the
year 1789 it is hard to tell, whether his merits,
as a soldier, were higher than those of a states-
man--but of this the world are assured, that
neither military power nor success ever made
him arrogant, nor induced him even to a
doubtful excess. His military life was the loftiest example, under all circumstances, of the
most temperate exercise of power--of strictest
subordination to civil authority--and whilst the
heated passions or deep designs of others sedu-
ced them to attempt acts of insubordination,
Washington allayed the rising storm, and calm-
ly offered himself as a voluntary hostage for his
country, that the wrongs of his brother soldiers
should be redressed.

If General Jackson suffers in this contrast, it
is owing to the imprudence of his friends--we
have done no more than to perform a duty to
the man who was chief in the hearts of all, whose
fame must not be hewed down to reduce him
to the dimensions of others, or to subserve the
schemes of combinations that are daring, or of
ambition that is aspiring.

From this view we will turn to offer the rea-
sons and inducements which render us content-
ed with the existing administration of the coun-
try--And here we will frankly declare, that nei-
ther favoritism on the one hand, nor antipathy
on the other, have any influence over us--For
we do not remember to have been called, on any
occasion, to decide a great national question,
more free from every bias that would be likely
to lead us astray: No circumstance has ever oc-
curred to give rise to a personal predilection
that we could indulge, and surely we can have no
prejudices against the Hero of New Orleans.

If it had fallen to our lot to have entertained
personal attachment in this case, which we
openly disavow, we know that we should find a
great palliative in the universal concession, that
such attachments are always venial, and there-
fore we should not disown it. But if we thought
we were guided by unfavorable prejudices, we
should distrust ourselves as led on by the most
dangerous of all impulses. For prejudice is
either a volunteer that springs up without
thought, and leads to error without examination
or it is the weed of the mind that overshadows
the heart with its deleterious foliage and forbids
the growth of every useful germ--it disquali-
fies those who wear it--it never fails to tyrannize over those against whom it may be di-
rected. Our feelings are not enlisted on this
occasion--we are guided by our soberest under-
standing, and we prefer Mr. Adams, as Presi-
dent, because he is confessedly, both from edu-
cation and employment throughout his life, the
most capable in all respects--and he therefore
furnishes the best and safest grounds to expect
the most able and beneficial discharge of the ar-
duous duties of the exalted station. Beyond
this, we have neither wish, nor end, nor aim.

A magnanimous people will never withhold
the meed of praise that is justly due to the ac-
complished qualifications or meritorious servic-
es of a fellow citizen--but a high minded peo-
ple, who, in all their public acts, keep the na-
tional welfare steadily and singly in view, are a
little scrupulous of wasting themselves in pane-
gyrics upon those they design to lift to patron-
age and power. It is therefore we shall not
dwell upon the widely known facts of Mr. Ad-
ams having received, in early life, the best and
most extended education this country could a-
ford--of his unvarying habits of reflection and
study--of his being intimately and practically
conversant with the public measures of this
country for the last forty years--of his high
rank among the men of learning of the world--
or of the pledges which are given in his uniform-
ly unexceptionable private character, through-
out his whole life. But we shall maintain our
opinions and preference upon public grounds a-
sively appertain to the prosperity of the people
and the glory of the country.

The work of man, however admirable, is ne-
cessarily imperfect; and there is no part of our
excellent Federative system which the forecast
of its authors and the reflecting wisdom of those
who ratified it, thought would be so likely in
time to endanger its existence, as the election of
Chief Magistrate. Although our form of gov-
ernment was in some parts new, and in others
an improvement upon things which had existed
before, yet the principle of an elective Chief
Magistrate was not new, and whilst we were to
partake of the advantages of that feature, we
were unavoidably exposed to some of the evils
to which it had been found subject--among the
greatest of which is the train of incidents ine-
vitably flowing from the frequent recurrence of
contests between rival candidates for that high
station. Nor did the founders of the govern-
ment expect to ward off these evils so much by
the limitations and proportions with which they
fashioned this part of the constitution relating
to the appointment of President, although less
objected to than any other part of that charter.
They had a stronger, and as they thought, a
safer reliance upon the sober minded character
of the people who were to carry it into effect--
in their love of order, their sagacity to discri-
minate, and in their intelligence and firmness to
resist every thing that had a tendency to im-
pair the system.

Jealousy, strife, and local feelings are the
dangers against which we have been particular-
ly counselled by our illustrious political Father.
and these, unfortunately, are the probable atten-
dants upon a contest for the Presidential Chair.
So long as the selection for this exalted post
was confined to Revolutionary worthies, there
was much in the character of our admiration
for those Patriots, as well as in the youthful pu-
rity of our institutions that forbade these inci-
dental evils to arise. We have now exhausted
that store of worth, and have come to men near-
er to our times, who, whatever may be their
merits, can never experience the unwonted de-
votion that was paid to their predecessors.

Fertile as our country is in the growth of
distinguished men, and propitious as our gov-
ernment is to display them, the expansion of
empire, the progress of science, and the in-
crease of population must necessarily augment
the number of favorites, and meritorious favor-
ites too, who will engross the affections and
confidence of their respective sections of coun-
try. From the operation of this affection and
confidence, local attachments, and jealousies
and contests will arise, and without a check,
the nation will quadrennially be thrown into
agitation that will become most alarming.

To guard against this impending terror we
have nothing to rely on but the salutary influ-
ence of established custom, which, being found-
ed in wise precaution, in a nation of intelli-
gence easily acquires force. The first Presi-
dent of the United States having voluntarily re-
tired from office at the expiration of his second
term, that voluntary retirement has been con-
strued into an example that has been implicit-
ly followed by every successor who had an op-
portunity of doing so, and has been approved
of by the People. Under the sanction of this
usage, will it not be wise and prudent to estab-
lish the system of re-electing a Chief Magis-
trate for a second term, except in cases, where
the qualifications of the opponent are known to
be greatly superior to those of the incumbent--
or, where the course of administration is palpa-
bly and fatally prejudicial to the true interests
of the country? In the last case, any change is
to be sought, and any hazard will be worthily
encountered to extinguish the existing evil.

But we demand with frankness, and we ex-
pect to be answered with candor, if such a state
of things, or if such a necessity now exists in
our country? Is it even pretended that it does?
Has the Opposition to Mr. Adams been under
taken by the friends of General Jackson, be-
cause it is known that General Jackson possesses all the necessary qualifications for the Pres-
idential office, in a superior degree to what Mr.
Adams does? Or because the measures of Ad-
ministration are bad, and that they expect such
defects will be remedied by a different course
of administration likely to be pursued under
General Jackson? Or was this Opposition determined on anterior to the development of any
measure by this Administration? Or did it or-
igate in a predetermined intent to eject a
man from office, who, notwithstanding the gen-
erally mild, judicious and able course of his
measures, has been so unfortunate as not to
have propitiated those who were resolved never
to be appeased?

This brings us fairly to the consideration of
the objections urged by the Opposition, and to
the exceptions taken to a few specified mea-
sures.

The first and chief objection urged against
Mr. Adams, as promulgated through the presses
and reiterated by the late Jackson Convention,
is, "that he was made President against the will
of the people;" and they have attached to this
point in their manifesto, as well as to others,
the most copious notes and commentaries, to
illustrate and explain the meaning of so dark a
position.

With all the aid of the phosphoric glare
which a political chemistry has shed upon this
matter, we are still at a loss to see under what
pretext this objection is made, unless it is, that
Mr. Adams had not the greatest number of
votes when brought to the House of Represen-
tatives. But the constitution, by its unqualified
and direct injunction, requiring the Represen-
tatives to choose a President "from the persons
having the highest numbers, not exceeding
three," without a shadow of reference either to
the foremost or to any particular one of them--
the three candidates with the highest numbers
stand before the Representatives House as if
them as by a new body of electors, who are to
decide upon "the man who, in their opinion,
may be best qualified for the office." To re-
quire the Representatives to be governed by the
will of the people in this case, is to require them
to be governed by what they have no means of
knowing; for when the electors of a State have
not voted for one of the three highest candi-
dates; or when the electors of a State are equal-
ly divided, perhaps between two, neither having
the highest numbers, how can the Representa-
tives know the popular preference? The rule
of obligation, if derived from the constitution,
must be general or not at all: but a rule which
requires a representative to do what he has no
means of ascertaining, and to ascertain which
no means are furnished him, is a palpable in-
consistency, and must be disowned. Thus the
opposition, in obedience to the constitution,
would refer the election to the House of Repre-
sentatives, and at the same time deny to its
members the right of making it--an absurdity
too gross for commentary. The constitution
presenting three candidates to their considera-
tion, evidently meant to give the representa-
tives a right of choice: and we are taught by the
contemporaneous exposition of that constitu-
tion,* that that choice was intended to be guid-
ed by the respective qualifications of the candi-
dates presented to the House of Representa-
tives by the electoral colleges. To say that
such an election, in strict conformity with the
letter and the established meaning of the con-
stitution, is made against the will of the people,
is to betray, what we are far from ascribing to
the Jackson Convention, an uncommon weak-
ness, or a total insensibility to shame.

Where there are four or more candidates be-
fore the electors of the people, and the votes
throughout the Union are pretty generally di-
vided among them all, neither having a major-
ity, it is utterly impossible to tell who is the
favorite of a majority of the whole; and it was
on account of this impossibility, that the con-
stitution pointed out the House of Representa-
tives as another body of intelligent electors,
who were immediately to select one from the
three candidates that the electoral colleges had
distinguished by the greatest number of votes.
Considering it much less important which of
the three should be elected, than that their
choice should be confined immediately to one of
them. Mr. Adams was second by the electoral
college vote, and not far behind the foremost,
and a portion of the votes given to Mr. Craw-
ford and Mr. Clay, would as well have elected
him as General Jackson. It is impossible there-
fore to say, which, of them would have been
preferred if they alone had been before the peo-
ple, unaccompanied either by Mr. Clay or Mr.
Crawford.

How boldly this objection bears upon the con-
duct, or how ill it suits the mouths of those
who ardently advocated Mr. Crawford's elec-
tion by the House of Representatives, when he
was much lower on the electoral poll than ei-
ther Mr. Adams or General Jackson, we for-
bear to expose.

Fearing lest the constitution and the reason of
things should be against them in this objection,
the Opposition then assert, that Mr. Adams
was corruptly elected in the House by the in-
trigue of Mr. Clay; and to this accusation, as
gross as it is unworthy, as hideous as it is un-
founded, the Jackson Convention have lent them-
selves with all the positive force of their fame.
and with all the artificial influence of their learned notes and commentaries.

That the first moments of mortified disap-
pointment should have given rise, among some
men, to a heated and irascible ebullition of this
sort, was neither to have been wondered at nor
regarded--but time and reflection ought to have
induced a juster construction of things. It is
easy to indulge in accusations against men, and
in times of high political ferment, the disposi-
tion to yield a submissively credulous ear to im-
putations against those whom it is our purpose
to oppose, is often the vice of men. Let us howe-
ver judge by safer and more just laws of con-
struction, and more becoming the high charac-
ter of all.

In the absence of every thing like positive
proof, which is admitted by the Opposition in
this case, they have recourse to circumstantial
proof, in the construction of which we maintain
that it is a violation of all rule of interpretation
and of moral right to recur to supposed cor-
rapt motives and views to explain that, which
may be equally well explained by obvious and
known fair ones. As a representative in Con-
gress at the time of the late Presidential elec-
tion, Mr. Clay was obliged to vote--he was in
effect limited to a choice between Mr. Adams
and General Jackson, for the condition of Mr.
Crawford's health, at that time, put him out of
the question with all who were not previously
pledged. Between Mr. Adams and Gen. Jack-
son there was an entire good understanding;
but between neither of them and Mr. Clay, did
there exist any prepossession--indeed there was
something more between General Jackson and
Mr. Clay, than the ordinary feelings between ri-
val Candidates.

During the late canvass of electors of Presi-
dent and Vice President exception was taken
by Mr. Clay to the construction and facts given
in a correspondence between Mr. Adams and
Mr. Russel in relation to events that transpired
on the Mission to Ghent; yet the contest which
grew out of this between Mr. Adams and Mr.
Clay, was not of a nature to interrupt their ac-
customed intercourse and association. But the
stand taken by Mr. Clay in the year 1819 a-
gainst General Jackson's conduct, just after
the Seminole war, a time when no man on
earth expected that the Gen. would ever be held
up as a candidate for the Presidential Chair.
was of a much harsher and more serious char-
acter, and we have every reason to believe pro-
duced from that day an entire alienation be-
tween them; and implanted in the General the
most implacable resentment. Mr. Clay, on
that occasion, arraigned the conduct of General
Jackson, in the strongest and most fearless
terms, and with an ability rarely equalled by
any man, seldom surpassed by himself. This
he did in the discharge of his congressional
duty, when the gems of Gen. Jackson's glory
were fresh sparkling around his brow. Some
years after this, when Mr. Clay is called upon
by the Constitution with other members of the
House of Representatives to "make a choice"
between Mr. Adams and General Jackson of a
President of the United States, he prefers and
votes for Mr. Adams. Mr. Clay's influence in
the House was long known and had been con-
sidered greater than that of any other member
--an influence derived from his splendid abili-
ties, his long standing as a member, his engag-
ing deportment towards every body, and his a-
ble and satisfactory discharge of the office of
Speaker. It was doubtful who would be elect-
ed by the House--Mr. Clay being known to ad-
vocate Mr. Adams' election, and Mr. Adams
being elected on the first ballot, it was immedi-
ately imputed to Mr. Clay's influence, and it
was then most unworthily and unwarrantably
asserted by some, who were smarting under
disappointment, that this result was owing to
a corrupt understanding between them. When
Mr. Adams, in forming his cabinet, nominated
Mr. Clay as Secretary of State, and the Senate
"advised and consented to it," then the story
was rounded off, and it was agreed by Opposi-
tion that the appointment of Secretary of State
should be considered as the "wages of sin"--
thus imputing to a majority of the Senate of
the United States, who were present throughout
the whole transaction and who were intimately
conversant with all the circumstances, a delib-
erate participation in the corruption by "ad-
vising and consenting" to the nomination--and
a large portion of that majority too are now of
the present Opposition.

If the speech of Mr. Clay in 1819 arraign-
ing Gen. Jackson's conduct is referred to, it is
believed that no unprejudiced man would ever
suppose after that, that he could have been in-
duced to vote for General Jackson as the chief
Magistrate of the country. Nor is there any
fair grounds to believe that he supported Mr.
Adams from personal motives of any sort, but
from a conviction, such as influences ourselves.
that he was obviously and decidedly the best
qualified man, and as such, he was compelled
by duty to vote for him.

As little do we believe that Mr. Adams nom-
inated Mr. Clay to the Senate as Secretary of
State from personal attachment or obligation;
but knowing that no man in this country had
passed through a more brilliant public course
for the last twenty years than Mr. Clay, in
which he had acquired great popularity and e-
vinced a Statesmanlike ability that classed him
in the foremost rank of American Statesmen, it
is fair to conclude, that Mr. Adams was gov-
erned by the established reputation of Mr. Clay
and the public sentiment towards him, and that
he very properly desired both his services and
his name to give their usefulness and lustre to
his Administration. It was not necessary for
Mr. Clay to have a bargain or understanding
with any of them--he was conscious, and the
world knew full well, that whichsoever candi-
date he supported, if he succeeded, would call
him to the station of Secretary of State as a
tribute to his merit, and as a powerful aid to
the Administration.

Had Mr. Clay been an ordinary or subaltern
man who could have been managed, and who
had been thus elevated to a station for which
he was unfit, then indeed there might have
been some plausibility in the story of a "bar-
gain"--But if his conceded distinction as a
Statesman justifiably commanded the appoint-
ment, we ought to distrust both the reasoning
and the conjecture that implied the belief of
stipulated reward. We disdain all such sup-
positions imputations to accomplish ends--
and with this plain narrative of facts we meet
the conjectural and gratuitous positions of the
Opposition.

Next, Mr. Adams' appointments to office
are harshly censured to bring him into disre-
pute. On this point, so delicate in its nature,
many reason either with a morbid or with a
wounded sensibility, whilst comparatively few
agree in any particular. In selecting a citizen
for any public station, many hopes will be frus-
trated, and the disappointed parties and their
friends will be apt to indulge in repudiating
the choice, and enlisting the feelings of others
in their behalf. In an extended empire, like
our own, where numerous appointments are to
be made in different parts of it, a Chief Magis-
trate must necessarily often rely much upon the
judgment and information of others; and it is
equally certain, that no man can give universal
satisfaction in appointments. We do not pre-
tend to say that we would have recommended,
or that we approve of all the appointments of
the President--but we very much doubt, whe-
ther any of the gentlemen who have been held
up as candidates, would have made more than
we should have approved--and as we only de-
sire that the character of the country should be
sustained, and its welfare promoted by a due
and proper discharge of all official duties, al-
though we cannot divest ourselves of our pre-
ference of friends, it is our duty to be content-
ed with those who acquit themselves in office
faithfully and well. When President Adams
came into power, he distinctly made it known,
that he would confine himself to no party in his
selections or appointments--and he was then
generally commended for it. To this he has
conformed. On which party he has conferred
most or greatest appointments, we consider un-
important. If the appointing power will keep
integrity of character and ample knowledge
and ability to discharge the duties of office,
with approved fidelity to the country steadily in
view, we unhesitatingly accord to it a fair in-
dulgence of feeling, guided by such safeguards
and wholesome restraints.

It is formidably charged too upon President
Adams by the Jackson Convention, that in ta-
king a portion of his appointments from the
parties that did not support his election, he has
been guilty of an attempt to corrupt them." At
the same time the Secretary of State is assailed
for taking the printing of the laws from his
foes and giving it to his friends. Without
stopping to remark upon the unkind and un-
merited imputation which is here cast upon
those who have been appointed to office, or to
reconcile this blowing hot and cold with the
same mouth--we will merely observe, that it is
impossible for any man to make any appoint-
ment that the ingenuity of opposing partisans
may not impute to bad motives, or find some
pretences to condemn. If the President con-
fines appointments to his own friends, the cry
of proscription is loudly resounded. If he ap-
points from those who have opposed him, he is
charged with corruption. So, if a Secretary
of State, in fulfilment of the law which empow-
ers him to select the printers of the laws--per-
revile him and desire to destroy his reputation, admits that patronage to remain with those who
he is either laughed at as timid or imbecile, or
he is said to wish to win over his adversaries
by rewards. But if he boldly resumes that pa-
tronage from those who basely malign him,
and confides it to those who treat him more
friendly and fairly, we see that he is accused of
partiality, of cruel injustice, and of a wish to
punish independence. Seeing then that the
appointment of neither friend nor opponent
can escape condemnation, to what are we to at-
tribute such censures? Or from whom can an
appointee be made? We abjure all such in-
diseriminate, such captious objections-all such
predetermined, implacable hostility-and we
thank that man in the name of our country,
whoever he may be, that has the magnanimity
and firmness, in making his selections for of-
fice, to appoint those who are distinguished for
their virtues, their capacity, and their fidelity
to the country, regardless of political names or
party distinctions.

But how injudicious is it in the Opposition
thus to attempt to censure President Ad-
ams for disregarding party distinctions in ma-
king some of his appointments from those who
opposed him; when it is known, that, next to
the victory at N. Orleans, the strongest motive
avowed by many of them for supporting Gen.
Jackson, is his letter to President Monroe,
where, among other things, he advises him to
pursue the very same course, of making his ap-
pointments indiscriminately from all parties
among men of approved fidelity to the country.
Thus it is we see, how a heated zeal takes the
lead from discretion, and betrays into inconsis-
tency those who have united with an Opposi-
tion that has proclaimed from the beginning,
even before the adoption of a single measure,
that the Administration should be put down,
if its measures were as pure as those of An-
gels.

That there may be among the Opposition
those, confiding less in the merit of their qualifications than in their violence and animated
exertions in behalf of party to recommend them
to office, who do not like either the liberal ad-
vice of General Jackson or the liberal practice of
Mr. Adams, we pretend neither to assert nor to
deny: but if this conduct in Mr. Adams can be
imputed to him as a fault, presuming that Ge-
neral Jackson gave his advice in good faith,
what right have the Opposition to expect from
him a different or better course?

Another objection urged against President
Adams is, that he has neither recommended
nor used his influence with Congress to alter
the Constitution so as to prevent the election of
President from coming before the House of Re-
presentatives.

How far it becomes a President of the Unit-
ed States, at all times, to recommend alterations
in the Constitution of the Federal Government,
is a grave and great question that we have nei-
ther time nor space here to look into. It
would barely remark, that in a confederated go-
vernment the alteration of the constitution is a
very serious matter at any time, and one very
dangerous to be meddled with in times of high
political excitement; and the question here al-
luded to, as it touches the balance of power a-
mong the States, and is one of the very few in-
stanced where the States act upon a perfect
equality, and relates to the election of an incum-
bent for that office which the President now
holds, and to which he is constitutionally re-
eligible, it appears to us that such a proposition
had as well come from any other quarter as
from the President himself, and as this was a
question by no means new or unknown, it ap-
pertained as much to the duties of a member
of Congress to introduce it, as to those of the
President to recommend it. But the proposi-
tion was brought before Congress and failed-
and as many of the friends of President Adams,
with others, did not agree to the provisions that
were to accompany this change, he is censured
for not attempting to control these members of
Congress in an independent legislative act: and
he is accused of dereliction of duty and of
being false to his pledge, in not intermeddling
with the proceedings of the House and enforc-
ing the measure whilst it was before them.

Here again we see another entrapping dilemma
studiously prepared for the President. If he
had presented this matter to Congress in a
message, which he never gave the slightest
promise or pledge to do, he would have been
exposed to the imputation by those of his ad-
versaries opposed to the measure, of using offi-
cial influence to regulate the election of Presi-
dent to suit his own views. As he did not pre-
sent the matter to Congress, he is accused of
deserting his duty, and of violating a promise,
set up for him by the wildest construction of
his opponents, which he never made.

Again, because he did not intermeddle with
the matter when it was before the Representa-
tives, which he certainly had no right to do,
and influence his friends to support the meas-
ure and its provisions, whether he or they
thought them proper or not, he is condemned
to bear all the blame of its miscarriage. On the
other hand, if the President had intermeddled
with a proposition pending before the House,
he would deservedly have rendered himself ob-
noxious to the hue and cry of using official in-
fluence over the councils of an independent
branch of the legislature. With such oppo-
nents, if he acts, he does wrong-if he forbears
to act, he abandons duty-if he controls the
votes of his friends, supposing that he could
possibly do so, he is guilty, with some, of an
unconstitutional interference with other branch-
es of the government, if he does not attempt to
control them, he is saddled, by others, with
the blame of the miscarriage of the measure.

The true ground of difficulty in relation to
changing this part of the constitution, is, how
to dispose of and regulate the election of Presi-
dent, when it fails to be consummated by the
electoral colleges--and upon this ground it is
destined to fail perpetually. The views and the
suggestions are so various, and the feeling of
state sovereignty are so strong, that there is lit-
tle hope of a coincidence of opinion in any change
--and this is the cause why the proposition
failed when it was before Congress, and not
from any want of interference or aid on the part
of the President.

There can be no doubt that there are many
men in this country, who would desire this
change in the constitution, if they could substi-
tute a satisfactory provision--but it is equally
well known, that a particular set of politicians
have fixed their hearts and staked their hopes
upon this question and its management, as the
great and efficient means to regulate the Presi-
dential question for some time to come. To
them "THIS IS THE ROAD TO BYZANTIUM," on
which they are moving in gallant array.

Tedious as these details are, which have
swelled this address to an extent much beyond
our wishes, we are compelled to meet objec-
tions that are gravely and industriously put
forth, however unsound in their view or un-
founded in fact-and we must take notice of a
last objection, relating to the Colonial Trade,
which charges the administration with the loss
of this trade--first, from neglect to give instruc-
tions to our minister,--and secondly, by omit-
ting to recommend the repeal of the discrimi-
nating duties--and lastly, they are blamed for
abandoning terms that were asked by a former
administration--which terms, it was ascertain-
ed, could never be granted.

We will meet these objections by a plain
statement of the facts belonging to the case-
and although none would more sincerely de-
plore the loss of the direct trade with the Bri-
tish West Indies, and none would be more
prompt to resent its loss, where it could be as-
cribed to bad conduct, than ourselves, yet we
are far from implicating the conduct of others
by indefensible suspicions or attacks to answer
political ends.

It is presumed that the Administration is not
held responsible for any measure that took
place before it came into power--it will be un-
necessary therefore to look back beyond the ter-
mination of the negotiation in the hands of Mr.
Rush, in the year 1824.--This unadjusted ne-
gotiation left us at that time in possession of
a very advantageous trade with the British
West Indies, and at the time it was suspended,
it was with an understanding that the negotia-
tion should be again renewed at a future time.
In the appointment of a successor to Mr. Rush,
the strongest evidence was given that could be
given, in the selection of Mr. King, of a desire
to pursue this negotiation effectually and with
advantage to the country. The established di-
plomatic character and eminent qualifications
of that gentleman, together with his known ac-
ceptable and high standing at the British Court
were the best pledges of this-but the history
of the world is full of examples how unforeseen
occurrences have frustrated the plans of human
wisdom-Mr. King, unfortunately and unex-
pectedly, was taken ill on his voyage to Eng-
land, and after his arrival there continued to be
an afflicted and debilitated invalid-in so much
so, that he was incompetent to any thing like
labor, and could only attend to some mi-
nor subjects that remained unadjusted, that
were less difficult of arrangement. But it
is said he received no instructions to ena-
ble him to renew the question on the Co-
lonial Trade, if his health had improved-
The reason he did not receive these instruc-
tions is obvious, viz: because no intimation had
been given on the part of the British Govern-
ment of a disposition to renew the negotiation.
After the suspension of the negotiation in the
hands of Mr. Rush there was but little reason
to believe, from the correspondence, that we
could speedily obtain the terms proposed by our
Government; and therefore, as we were in the
enjoyment of a good trade, there was no induce-
ment on our part to press the subject. Our
greatest interest was, in having the trade per-
manently secured by treaty, rather than to leave
it to the mutable and unsteady arrangements
of legislative acts on both sides-Forbearance
therefore on our part, so far from being a fault,
was rather advised by policy. Some time after-
wards, when the British Government appoint-
ed two ministers to renew the negotiation, and
sent information of it to our Government,
through Mr. Vaughan, the British Minister at
Washington, in March, 1826, with an invitation
to unite another Minister with Mr. King, on
account of his ill health; the selection of ano-
ther Minister engaged the immediate attention
of Mr. Adams, and whilst he was consulting
with a gentleman who should go out for that
purpose, a letter was received from Mr. King
begging to be recalled, and stating that he had
no longer a hope of recovering his health-the
truth of which has been lamentably confirmed
by the death of that distinguished man, who
was soon after "gathered" to his associates, the
departed Fathers of the Federal Constitution.
The Administration could but yield to the peti-
tion of Mr. King, and a minister (Mr. Gallatin)
was immediately appointed with ample pow-
ers of conciliation, and hurried on to London
with all convenient despatch.--Where, upon
his arrival in August, instead of meeting with
the British Commissioners to enter upon the
negotiation, as he had been invited, he was met
by the British Order in Council of July pre-
ceding, interdicting her West India ports to
our vessels. Mr. Gallatin used every exertion
to revive the negotiation, but the British Gov-
ernment, up to the last accounts, have proved
inflexible.

It is further stated by Opposition, that Pres-
ident Adams neither recommended the repeal
of the discriminating duties, nor did he counte-
nance the proposition brought before Congress
for that purpose. He did not recommend any
measure to Congress in the session of 1825-26,
in relation to the colonial trade, as the negocia-
tion was then suspended--nor at that of 1826,
27, because the British interdict had been pre-
viously issued--but he submitted the whole
matter with the correspondence to Congress
for their consideration That neither the Pres-
ident nor the Secretary of State discountenan-
ced the proposition to repeal the discriminating
duties, is satisfactorily proved by the testimo-
ny of two distinguished members of Congress,
viz. Gen. Smith, a Senator from Maryland, and
Mr. Cambreling, a Representative from New-
York. The former of whom, in a speech in the
Senate, exonerated President Adams from hav-
ing entertained any Opposition to that mea-
sure; and the latter, in a speech in the House of
Representatives, was equally explicit in a simi-
lar defence of Secretary Clay-With such evi-
dence against them, we presume even Opposi-
tion must cower and retire.

That the Administration have abandoned, in
their instructions to Mr. Gallatin, the terms
which were insisted on under the Administra-
tion of Mr. Monroe, which were the terms up-
on which the negociation was broken off in
1824, may be true, and certainly this Adminis-
tration has acted wisely in so doing; but is there
any thing derogatory in an Administration yield-
ing up terms which had been unsuccessfully
urged by a preceding one, and which it found
unattainable? Or is it either unusual or disre-
putable in governments, finding that they can-
not obtain all they want in their commercial ne-
gotiations, to abandon a part of their pretensions
in order to secure others? We omit to touch
upon the views displayed by the British Cabi-
net in this matter which would further illus-
trate our opinions, but as they do not particu-
larly relate to the view of the question we are
now taking, we decline it.

We conclude this part of the subject with
the declaration, that the refusal of the British
government to pursue the negotiation, after
their invitation to our own for that purpose,
was as unexpected by the world as it was by
President Adams-nor could it have been cal-
culated on or conjectured by any one who was
not admitted into the secret plans of the British
Ministry.

Having thus gone through the objections
made against President Adams, in which we
have tested conjecture by facts, and controvert-
ed arbitrary inferences by those rules of con-
struction which obtain in cases of most impor-
tant concern before the highest tribunals of our
country, we cheerfully submit the decision to
the unprejudiced opinion of our fellow citizens.
If we believed that the measures of the pre-
sent Administration were improper, or if a ra-
tional hope could be held out to us that a differ-
ent course of measures more propitious to the
interest of the Republic, would be pursued
by another more capable of administering the
Government than the present incumbent, our
duty to our country would oblige us unhesita-
tingly to support that man.

We desire not to cloud this great question
with any thing that can lead us from the sim-
plicity of truth, or furnish a doubt of the sin-
cerity with which we speak. We know of no
act of General Jackson's life, of nothing that
has proceeded from him, that can justify us in
the belief that he is qualified to fill the station
of Chief Magistrate of this country: and if we
can trust his bosom friend and biographer (Ea-
ton,) who is among the most ardent of his sup.
porters, the General's sense of duty has hither-
to obliged him to resign the several subordinate
civil stations to which he has been appointed,
because he felt himself incapable to discharge
their duties properly, and not as the Jackson
manifesto would adroitly impress the belief
that it was to "take higher ones." Thus, in the
absence of all other qualifications, the military
popularity of the Chieftain is to be the club of
Hercules in the hands of an aspiring Opposi-
tion, with which they are to fell the present
Administration-and the dynasty of the nation
is cast. that after the reward of a single term
in the Presidential Chair, his sun is to set in
the west, and a new orb is to arise, whose shorn
radiance is in the mean time to be relumed.

But with a Chief Magistrate thus pronounc-
ed incompetent by his intimate friend, at a
guileless moment when there was no expecta-
tion that the General would ever be thought of
as a candidate for the Presidential Chair, what
are we to expect, but that his course will be di-
rected by a privy council of friends?-and look
to those friends, talented as they are, and see
what a heterogeneous mixture of political poli-
cy they present, so far as their views are made
known-how destitute of the essential princi-
ple of cohesion--how versatile some have ap-
peared in the progress of events. Can the peo-
ple of this country act so unreflectingly as to
reject a competent, and tried, and approved Ad-
ministration for the purpose of running the
risk of such a state of things as the contem-
plated change would be likely to entail on them?
Satisfied with the present course of measures,
they ought to be cautious how they permit this
change-for to use the thought of one of our
earliest and soundest statesmen. "To undo
what has been done by a predecessor is consid-
ered by a rival successor as the best proof of his
own capacity and desert; and where the change
of men has been the result of public choice, the
person substituted will consider himself war-
ranted in supposing that the dismission of his
predecessor has proceeded from a dislike to
his measures, and the more he varies from his
course, the more he will be likely to recom-
mend himself to the favor of his constituents.
These considerations in the case of rival candi-
dates, where an administration has been sup-
planted by a competitor would be apt to induce
the new President to promote changes which
would not only subvert the existing policy, but
occasion a disgraceful and ruinous instability
in the administration of government. When
then the people have reason to approve of the con-
duct and measures of a Chief Magistrate, they act
wisely to continue him in the station in order to
prolong the utility of his talents and virtues,
and to secure to the government the advanta-
ges of permanency in a wise system of admin-
istration

Fellow Citizens of Maryland: our task is ful-
filled--With this appeal to you, we offer our
humble and reverential supplication to the Au-
thor of all Good, that He will be pleased to
direct with wisdom the Councils of our Coun-
try, and lead our Fellow Countrymen in all their
acts to the best and happiest results.

In accordance with these views we submit
the following Resolutions:

Resolved, That, in the opinion of this Conven-
tion, JOHN QUINCY ADAMS was elected
President of the U. States pursuant both to the
form and the spirit of the Constitution, and
therefore, in the execution of high and respon-
sible duties is entitled to the support and co-
operation of the good People of Maryland.

Resolved, That in the opinion of this Con-
vnention, the charges of intrigue and corruption
alleged against John Quincy Adams and Hen-
ry Clay in relation to the last Presidential elec-
tion, are totally without foundation in truth.

Resolved, That the principles and policy of
the existing Administration, are those which
distinguished the Administration of Mr. Mon-
roe, and which then gave universal satisfaction
to the people of the Union.

Resolved, that we highly appreciate the mili-
tary services of General Andrew Jackson, but
have no faith in his experience, ability or mod-
eration as a statesman. That we deprecate
his election to the first civil office in the gift of
the people, merely as the result of his military
achievements, as an example fraught with dan-
ger to the liberties of the American people.

Further; that by the elevation of General Jack-
son to the presidency, we fear an abandonment
of the policy of internal Improvements; and as
far as executive influence can effect it a preva-
lence of the "State rights" doctrines in the con-
struction of the Constitution.

Resolved, That we earnestly recommend to
the people of Maryland a cordial and active
support of JOHN QUINCY ADAMS as the
next President of the United States.

On motion of Mr. Jenifer, the following re-
solutions were adopted:

Resolved, That Messrs C. S. Walsh, W. Mee-
teer, John Edelen, Isaac Munroe, George Hebb,
James Harwood and Truman F. Foss, of the
city of Baltimore, be appointed a Central Com-
mittee of Correspondence for the purpose of
communicating with the Committees of Cor-
respondence of the several Counties, and the
friends of the Administration throughout the
State, and that it be recommended to those
Counties by whom it has not already been done,
to appoint Committees of Correspondence.

Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention
be presented to the Baltimore Committee, for
the appropriate arrangements in preparing a
Room for the accommodation of the Conven-
tion.

Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention
be presented to the President, Vice Presidents
and Secretaries, for the dignified and able man-
ner in which they have discharged the duties
of their respective stations.

Resolved, That the proceedings of this Con-
vnention be signed by the President, Vice Presi-
dents and Secretaries and published in the Bal-
timore Patriot, and all other papers in Mary-
land, and in the District of Columbia friendly to
the Administration, and that 5000 copies of the
same be printed.

THOMAS EMORY, President.
WILLIAM D. BEALL,
JAMES SEWALL,
Vice Presidents.
JOHN McPHERSON,
JAMES M. ANDERSON,
Secretaries.
JOHN EDELEN,